Why India should be alive to possibilities that may arise from the musical chairs underway in Pakistan

There is a familiar ring to the current political crisis in Pakistan. A prime minister, embattled on different fronts struggling to stay on in power to complete a full term. Familiar because no prime minister in Pakistan has to date ever completed his or her full term of five years — as good an indication as any of how much a fledgling project democracy in Pakistan remains.

Prime Minister Imran Khan’s government was from the beginning a coalition with a slender majority. It now is on its last legs with a key ally having deserted it to join up with the combined Opposition determined to force a change by a vote of no confidence. This outcome owes much to acts of omission and commission of the government and of the prime minister. These included an excessively combative Imran Khan almost from the time he was sworn in — using accountability and anti-corruption to mount what appeared often to be a witch hunt and which had the predictable consequence of making the Opposition parties coalesce together and also attract recalcitrant elements from both the ruling party and the coalition.

The past few days culminating in the withdrawal of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement from the coalition had been open season for allies to call the shots and demand their pound of flesh from either the government or the Opposition combine as the price of their support.

There is in addition a debilitating economic situation in which policy failures and older structural ills have been compounded by two years of the pandemic. Bad economic numbers now look even worse. Alongside these factors, a key driver in the current political crisis has emerged from the prime minister’s rocky interface with the army. This latter factor attracts usually the most attention because its role in Pakistan’s polity has been a near-constant for about as long as anyone cares to remember. The army turning its back on Imran Khan and adopting a posture of ‘neutrality’ underwrite much of what has unfolded in the past few weeks. If that position continues, it is all but certain that it will soon be curtains for Imran Khan’s current tenure as Prime Minister. But till the final deciding vote is cast in the no-confidence motion that ‘if’ about the army’s role will remain.

The general consensus in Pakistan is that it is now all over barring the shouting. What happens thereafter is less clear and that lack of clarity hangs like a cloud over the drama playing out in Islamabad. Will Imran Khan resign rather than face a vote? Will there be a mid-term election thereafter? Or will Shahbaz Sharif — deposed prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s brother and leader of the Pakistan Muslim League — be the new prime minister? This latter possibility appeared to be the consensus till a few days ago. But contrarian views to this also exist. Will any political leader want to be prime minister for about a year or so till the next elections?

Given the dire economic situation that prevails and the tough decisions required, this would be at the very least a thankless job risking enormous political costs in the next elections. Then there is the spectre of a mauled but defiant Imran Khan out in open opposition wearing the garb of a martyr forced out of office by a foreign hand in conspiracy with domestic fifth columnists. His past record suggests a formidable capacity for mobilising the streets to bring normal life to a grinding halt.

In brief, the possibility of political instability in the midst of an economic crisis stares Pakistan in the face. This may well be the one situation the Army wishes to avoid and could push it off its perch of neutrality into becoming an active player in managing the end game of the present situation.

***

Also Read

What is the MQM, the last big ally to leave Imran Khan: A look back at Muttahida Qaumi Movement and its India connection

'Will play till the last ball': Pakistan PM Imran Khan rules out resignation ahead of no-trust vote

***

Over the next few days, the rumour mills of Pakistan will grind ceaselessly over these issues. Will the way out be an unlikely compromise whereby Imran Khan continues for a little while longer as prime minister to exit with pride and ego intact, following which a general election is held with a transitional technocratic government in charge and one which will take in the interim the painful decisions all political parties will baulk from? Or will Shazbaz Sharif bite the bullet and by becoming prime minister give some solace and space to his party and to the exiled Nawaz Sharif before the next election? Or will some other expedient be thought of? Time or the next four-five days will tell.

What should we in India make of all this? For some it is tempting to see these developments through a prism of Pakistan progressively making itself irrelevant to everyone except itself. There is, therefore, the view that we can ignore this neighbour or deal with it, as and when required, tactically or as a security issue on the border. Obviously national security responses are an essential part of the spectrum that should constitute India’s Pakistan policy. Yet kinetic and tactical responses cannot make up the entire spectrum. For if there is a salutary lesson for South Asia from the Ukraine crisis it is that neighbourhood relations have to be managed and addressed continuously.

What is required is imparting greater stability to the India-Pakistan interface. Some positives exist in an otherwise bleak scenario. The ceasefire on the LoC has held well for over a year since both sides reaffirmed it in February last year. The erroneous missile launch saw a Pakistani response that was striking for its maturity. The first-ever transit of Indian wheat through Pakistan to Afghanistan stands out in an otherwise frozen connectivity environment. Perhaps the shaking up of the political pieces in Pakistan may throw up some opportunities to build further on these.

In a few months Pakistan may go through yet another transition when the tenure of its current Chief of Army Staff ends. Within that timeframe the resumption of full diplomatic relations and some activity on the trade front are among the realistic low hanging fruit. We should be alive to possibilities that may arise from the musical chairs underway in Islamabad and if they do materialise, be ready to grasp them.

The author is a former Indian High Commissioner to Pakistan. Views expressed are personal.

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Jhulelal Jayanti 2022: Find date, time, history and significance of Sindhi festival Cheti Chand

Cheti Chand is a significant festival that is celebrated by the Sindhi community around the world, especially in countries like India and Pakistan. This grand festival marks the birth of Ishta Deva Uderolal, who is popularly known as Lord Jhulelal; which is why the occasion is also known as Jhulelal Jayanti.

Lord Jhulelal is a patron saint of the Sindhis, who is often depicted as an old man sporting white beard and moustache.

Usually, the date of Cheti Chand is decided based on the Hindu calendar. As per the calendar, this festival is celebrated on the first day of Chaitra Shukla Paksha, when the new moon becomes visible after no moon day. On many occasions, the festival is marked a day after Ugadi and Gudi Padwa.

Moreover, the day is known as Cheti Chand because of the first appearance of the moon during the Cheti month. The Sindhi community begins their new year with this much-awaited festival, wherein devotees of Jhulelal celebrate the occasion as a 'ThanksGiving Day'.

Cheti Chand Date and Time:

According to Drikpanchang, Cheti Chanda will be celebrated on 2 April, 2022. The Cheti Chanda Muhurat will begin at 6:52 pm and end at 7:53 pm.

The Pratipada Tithi will begin at 11:53 am on 1 April (Friday) while it will conclude at 11:58 am on 2 April (Saturday).

History and Significance:

To date, the exact year of the birth of Saint Jhulelal is not known. But scriptures reveal that he was born in the 10th century in Sindh, which is one of the four provinces of Pakistan.

During that time, Sindh was under the rule of Sumras, who were tolerant to other religions. However, a dictator named Mirkshah used to threaten the Sindhi Hindus to either convert to Islam or face death.

The scared Sindhis then prayed to River God to guard them against forced conversion. Finally, after 40 days of worship, their prayers were answered. Through a divine prophecy, the people were informed about a child's birth to a couple that lived in Nasarpur.

As per the prophecy, the baby was born to Devaki and Ratanchand Lohano and the child was named Udaichand. One day, the parents noticed that the cradle which was carrying the baby rocked on its own; so, they started addressing him as Jhulelal from that day onwards.

Years later, Mirkhshah made several attempts to kill the boy but failed. He then accepted his defeat after realising the might and power of Udaichand.

 

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Momo with Mamata Banerjee: Bengal CM dons the chef's hat at local stall in Darjeeling

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee tried her hands at making momos at a local stall on the last day of her scheduled visit to North Bengal on Thursday. The TMC supremo went for a morning walk in Darjeeling where she was seen trying to make momos with the locals sellers.

Dressed in her trademark white saree and a pair of white slippers, Banerjee interacted with women members of the local self-help groups. Women at the local store explained to her the art of momo-making and asked her to try. Visibly excited, Banerjee began flattening the dough, put filling into it, and shape the momos with her hands. Soon a large group of local people circled her and started encouraging her to prepare a perfect bite-size momo.

Watch the chief minister in action here:

The chief minister, during her stay, suggested to the residents of North Bengal that self-help groups are not only for women but also men can come forward to form such local groups to avail of benefits from the state government. The Bengal Chief Minister seemed hopeful that it would increase the employment for the people in North Bengal.

Banerjee is expected to fly back to the state capital on Thursday. She visited several places including Singhmari, Chowrasta and Darjeeling Mall. She had a discussion with local businessmen and listened to their idea to boost tourism in the hills.

Banerjee stayed in a government bungalow at Richmond Hill where she held a meeting with Gorkha Janmurti Morcha, Bhartiya Gorkha Prajatantrik Morcha, Trinamool Congress, Jan Andalon Party and the newly-formed Hamro Party on Monday. She also promised that elections to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration will be held after being due for more than five years.

Residents in the hills welcomed their chief minister with open arms. anerjee also spent some quality time distributing chocolates to the kids and offering prayers at the Mahakal Temple. Earlier, a photograph of her also went viral on social media where she was seen holding an infant.

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Watch: Car hits elderly man in Ghaziabad, police investigation underway

An elderly man was run over by a car in Ghaziabad yesterday, 30 March. A video of the incident, captured on CCTV, shows the vehicle fleeing the scene after hitting the man. The chilling video of the hit-and-run has gone viral.
The clip shows an elderly man moving to sit on a chair outside his house. But as he moves towards the chair, a car enters the narrow lane and hits the man. The vehicle then flees the scene, leaving the man lying wounded on the road.

Have a look at the video here:

On-Camera, Driver Deliberately Runs Over Elderly Man Near Delhi pic.twitter.com/wTAJu9BkE7

— Lokmanchtoday (@lokmanchtoday) March 31, 2022

The victim has alleged that his neighbours were involved in the hit-and-run due to a six-month-long dispute between them. Following the incident, the man has filed a complaint against his neighbours. According to reports, police are conducting an investigation into the matter. This is not the only hit-and-run that took place in Delhi-NCR yesterday. Another such incident took place yesterday morning in the national capital. According to The Indian Express, the incident occurred in Delhi on Wednesday morning when an SUV hit a 39-year-old man named Girdhari on Janpath road. The man was crossing the street when the vehicle swerved towards him and struck him just as he reached the footpath. The driver fled the scene after the incident. Girdhari was later taken to the RML hospital, where he was declared dead. A video of the incident has gone on social media and shows a red vehicle striking Girdhari while he attempting to cross the road. View the video here:

Hit and Run or Intentional: Incident of this morning near Janpath, central Delhi in which one person by name Girdhari, 39 yrs sustained injuries in the accident. He was taken to RML hospital where the doctor declared him brought dead. pic.twitter.com/4f4Txyq6mi

— Bhaarat (@LucasSt79957001) March 30, 2022

According to reports, Delhi Police later announced that they had apprehended the accused and charged him with rash driving and causing death by negligence.

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How The Kashmir Files has caught our bleeding-heart liberals off guard and their lies exposed

It was a bolt from the blue that caught our bleeding-heart liberals off guard; their lies exposed, their chicanery defined with precision and their immorality hanging like a banner for all to see. The spontaneous and spectacular success of the movie, The Kashmir Files, which portrays movingly the brutal ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits from the Valley, has expectedly unleashed a barrage of criticism — violent and malignant — that attempts to shred the credibility of the movie, undermine its message and ensure that the atrocities committed on the Kashmiri Pandits is relegated to oblivion so that the nation does not have to answer uncomfortable questions.

One film critic dubbed it a “fantasy-revisionist drama” while another accused the movie of “‘propagandist verve”, and “cementing the current dispensation’s favoured discourse”. The very first sentence of yet another review in a major newspaper left no doubt as to where its sympathies lay: “Once upon a time, writer-director Vivek Agnihotri told us a ‘Hate Story’; this week, he has etched yet another.”

But how accurate and valid are these over-the-top conjectures? Do a few insignificant factual compromises that can pass for artistic liberty detract from the leitmotif of the film? And can the sufferings of the Kashmiri Pandits be wished away or trivialised just because the movie fails to address the issue of Kashmiri Muslim lives lost in the conflict?

Tagging a narrative as hate or inciting hate has become an expedient modus operandi for some to discredit their ideological adversaries or counter a stance that does not suit their viewpoint. First, Agnihotri did not manufacture the ‘hate’ that is depicted in the movie. He merely did his duty by bringing the hate that was rampant in the Valley to the attention of the public, something that nobody had the courage to do so far. The gory incidents that he picturises are all based on real events. For hate to be countered, hate needs to be identified, highlighted and condemned so that the purveyors of hate know that it is unacceptable and will be penalised.

By papering over such incidents under the dubious pretension of not upsetting the delicate communal balances and by not confronting hate face to face, we not only embolden hate-mongers but become unwittingly complicit in their crime. Our inability as a nation to highlight and counter the diabolicity of the separatist movement in Kashmir is what allowed it to fester for so long and get away with such barbarism.

***

Also Read

Off-centre | The Kashmir Files creates a new language and aesthetics of protest

The Kashmir Files talks about one genocide, but what about others confined to whispers and whisperers?

‘The Kashmir Files’ opens up wounds that never healed

After The Kashmir Files, revisiting Vidhu Vinod Chopra's 'sanitised' version on Kashmiri Pandits exodus in Shikara

Vivek Agnihotri on The Kashmir Files: 'I wanted to make a film about people who did not pick up guns'

Vivek Ranjan Agnihotri deactivates his Twitter account ahead of The Kashmir Files release; here’s why

Watch: Trailer of Vivek Agnihotri’s The Kashmir Files, starring Anupam Kher, Mithun Chakraborty

***

The charge that failure to co-opt the Kashmiri Muslim version of the conflict, makes the movie unbelievable and biased does not pass muster. The tragedy of the Kashmiri Pandits is apocalyptic: Brutal, savage and barbaric. It was also a story that had been deliberately swept under the carpet to mask the fundamentalism and xenophobia of separatism in Kashmir. Therefore, their story had to be told with a single-minded focus, without nuances, without sugarcoating and without dilution or distraction by the other facets of the Kashmir conflict. The perpetrators of the crime had to be called out with a definitiveness that was indisputable. That is what Agnihotri has done in blunt, unvarnished terms; a bluntness that the so-called intellectuals supporting the separatist movement find troubling because the same derogatory terms like Nazi and fascism that they used so flippantly to describe the other side has now become an apt and telling euphemism for them and their misguided cause.

And by the way the dominant narrative of the Kashmir conflict in the international and domestic media, including movies till now has been lopsided; a narrative that has focused overwhelmingly on what has been touted as Muslim self-determination. That story does not warrant reiteration.

Emphasising this one-sided depiction of the Kashmir issue so far, Aanchal Magazine, herself a Kashmiri Pandit writes (‘On Kashmir, listen to all those who suffered’; Indian Express, 24 March): “I was one-year-old in 1990. Growing up, I would often scan news reports about us but not to much avail. I would sit through movies “based” on Kashmir, waiting for a mention of Kashmiri Pandits. An insignificant territory to explore for mainstream filmmakers, they would often be a fleeting reference. In one such movie shot in Kashmir and released in 2014 with a running time of 162 minutes, Kashmiri Pandits had a mention: One line.”

When previous films have consistently blanked out the tragedy of the Pandits, why is it that The Kashmir Files is being held to a different standard?

Such double standards and hypocrisy cannot help to build a nation that is morally robust and equitable.

Another reason for the ire of the liberals is because this movie conclusively punctures the myth of Hindu majoritarianism: A false narrative craftily woven into our national discourse by painting a communal riot as a pogrom (Gujarat 2002) and dubbing a humanitarian law (CAA) as discriminatory. Can brutalisation of the majority community occur with such audacity in a nation where the reigning mantra is majoritarianism?

• The runaway success of The Kashmir Files attests to a welcome change in Indian public attitudes: A growing political awareness, a new moral boldness, a courage to acknowledge and confront without any apologies or guilt the victimhood of the majority community, a departure from the sham façade of a past pseudo-secularism that revelled in justification of even criminal aberrations of minorityism at the cost of majority interest. Today post The Kashmir Files viewing, a sense of aghast has claimed the audience prompting many to ask the million-dollar question: Why was this atrocity hidden from us for so long?

Agnihotri has cast aside the false filters of political correctness and shed the inhibitions of a warped secularism to tell the story directly to the people as it happened. He has dared to uncover the truth of a horrendous past, intentionally kept buried for over 30 years; he has dared to let Indians know what their brethren suffered; and he has dared to jolt the comatose conscience of an indifferent nation. We must be grateful to him for this moral wake-up call.

One film critic (The Kashmir Files tries showing 1990 exodus ‘truth’ but Agnihotri gives it death blow; Amogh Rohmetra, The Print, 13 March 2022) wryly remarked: “While The Kashmir Files brings out the truth and the much-needed story of Kashmiri Pandits, it tanks its credibility by mingling with facts, defaming JNU, blaming selective politicians…”

It is not the credibility of the movie that is tanked. By his heart-wrenching expose Agnihotri has tanked the credibility of JNU, those ‘selective politicians’ and those biased sections of the media that downplayed what is unequivocally the ultimate moral lapse of post-Independence India: The blatant ethnic cleansing of over a quarter million Kashmiri Hindus who became refugees in their own country overnight — all in a secular democratic nation.

Finally, what is extremely troubling is the utter insensitivity and crass moral depravity of the anti-Kashmir Files campaign. Instead of sincerely acknowledging the sufferings of the Pandits with sobriety and empathising with them, what we are witnessing is a vicious and deliberate game of whataboutery; one that derides the government for making it tax-free and accuses the movie of inciting hate — all in attempt to distract from the main focus of the film and achieve its nauseating objective — the denial of the ethnic cleansing of the Kashmiri Pandits; a negation that parallels the holocaust denial.

The writer is a US-based author. Views expressed are personal.

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Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 LIVE Updates: State board Class 10 scores to be announced at 1 pm

10:34 (IST)

Bihar Board 10th Result 2022

Here’s how to check Bihar Board Class 10 Result

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in

Step 2: Search and click on Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 link that is available on the home page

Step 3: Candidates need to enter their roll number and registration number correctly

Step 4: After providing all details properly, click on submit. Soon, the Bihar Class 10 result will be displayed on the screen

Step 5: Check the results and download the page

Step 6: Keep a printout of the same for further use or reference.

10:31 (IST)

Bihar Board 10th Result 2022

Class 10 results to be announced at 1 pm today

The Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) will declare the Class 10 or matriculation today, 31 March, 2022, at 1pm. Those who appeared for the exam can check their results by visiting the official website of the Board at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 LATEST Updates: The Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) will declare the Class 10 or matriculation today, 31 March, 2022, at 1pm. Those who appeared for the exam can check their results by visiting the official website of the Board at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

The Bihar Class 10 result will also be available on other websites like onlinebseb.in and biharboardonline.com. To qualify in the exam, students will have to secure a minimum of 30 per cent marks in all individual subjects. Those who are unable to secure the minimum passing marks (in one or two subjects) can appear for a compartmental exam, the date of which will be decided later.

Here’s how to check Bihar Board Class 10 Result:

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in

Step 2: Search and click on Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 link that is available on the home page

Step 3: Candidates need to enter their roll number and registration number correctly

Step 4: After providing all details properly, click on submit. Soon, the Bihar Class 10 result will be displayed on the screen

Step 5: Check the results and download the page

Step 6: Keep a printout of the same for further use or reference.

Details in the marksheet will include name of the candidate, registration number, roll number and roll code, marks gained in each subject, total marks given and qualifying status of the applicant.

As per the schedule, the Class 10 examination was conducted in Bihar from 17 to 24 February this year across various centres. The exam was held in two shifts; the first commenced from 9:30 am to 12:45 pm, while the second shift began from 1:45 pm to 5 pm.

Around 17 lakh candidates registered themselves for the examination this year. On 8 March, the board had released the answer key for Class 10 examination. The last date to raise objections was till 11 March.

For more details, students are advised to visit the official portal of BSEB at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

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In Rajasthan, doctor dies by suicide after being charged with causing pregnant woman's death

Taking serious note of a suicide of a doctor in Dausa after being accused of murder, Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot on Wednesday ordered the removal of a senior police officer and suspension of an SHO.

The doctor, who had been booked for allegedly causing the death of a pregnant woman in Rajasthan’s Dausa district died by suicide on Tuesday, 29 March, PTI reported. According to the police, the pregnant woman died at the hospital run by Dr Archana Sharma and her husband on Tuesday.

An FIR was registered against Archana at the Lalsot Police Station after family members of the pregnant woman held a demonstration outside the hospital and demanded immediate action against the erring doctor. Stressed over the FIR, Archana hanged herself to death, police said.

“The doctor was booked for the death of the pregnant woman due to negligence in treatment. This afternoon, the doctor hanged herself to death at her residence above the hospital,” Additional SP (Dausa) Lal Chand Kayal said.

However, the doctor in a suicide letter said she had not made any mistake and that the patient died due to a complication.

According to an official release, Gehlot has directed the officials to remove Dausa Superintendent of Police Anil Kumar, suspended SHO of Lalsot Police Station Ankesh Kumar and put Deputy Superintendent of Police Lalsot Shankar Lal under awaiting posting orders.

Divisional Commissioner Jaipur Dinesh Kumar Yadav will conduct an administrative inquiry into the matter.

Gehlot gave the instructions in a high-level meeting at his residence on Wednesday evening. "It was decided in the meeting that strict action should be taken against those who abetted the woman to commit suicide by registering a case," a release said.

The chief minister also directed to constitute a committee led by an additional chief secretary (home) to prevent the recurrence of such incidents and to give necessary suggestions.

The committee will comprise secretaries of the medical and health department, medical education department, senior officers from police and law departments and doctors. The committee will study all the legal aspects and will prepare a guideline, which will be implemented across the state.

Gehlot also condemned the incident and said an inquiry is going on and those found guilty will not be spared.

"The incident of Dr Archana Sharma's suicide in Dausa is very sad. We all give the status of god to doctors. Every doctor tries his best to save the life of the patient, but it is not justified to accuse the doctor as soon as any unfortunate incident happens,” Gehlot tweeted earlier in the day.

"If doctors will be intimidated like this, then how will they be able to do their work with confidence? We all should think about how such treatment can be done to the doctors who served all by risking their lives during covid pandemic,” he added.

The Rajasthan State Commission for Women has taken cognizance of the matter and sought a factual report from police within seven days.

Relatives of Asha Bairwa, the woman who died on Monday, accused Sharma of negligence and held a demonstration with the dead body outside Anand Hospital in Lalsot, Dausa -- owned by Sharma and her husband Dr Suneet Upadhyaya.

In her suicide note in Hindi, Sharma wrote, “I love my husband and children very much. Please do not trouble my husband and children after my death. I did not commit any mistake and did not kill anyone. PPH is a severe complication, stop harassing doctors for it. My death may prove my innocence. Don't harass innocent doctors, please.” According to Sharma, the cause of Bairwa's death was Postpartum Hemorrhage (PPH), a medical condition under which severe bleeding happens after childbirth.

With inputs from PTI

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BSEB Class 10 Result: Bihar board matriculation result to be announced today; check details here

The Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) will declare the Class 10 or matriculation today, 31 March, 2022, at 1pm. Those who appeared for the exam can check their results by visiting the official website of the Board at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

The Bihar Class 10 result will also be available on other websites like onlinebseb.in and biharboardonline.com. To qualify in the exam, students will have to secure a minimum of 30 per cent marks in all individual subjects. Those who are unable to secure the minimum passing marks (in one or two subjects) can appear for a compartmental exam, the date of which will be decided later.

Here’s how to check Bihar Board Class 10 Result:

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in

Step 2: Search and click on Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 link that is available on the home page

Step 3: Candidates need to enter their roll number and registration number correctly

Step 4: After providing all details properly, click on submit. Soon, the Bihar Class 10 result will be displayed on the screen

Step 5: Check the results and download the page

Step 6: Keep a printout of the same for further use or reference.

Details in the marksheet will include name of the candidate, registration number, roll number and roll code, marks gained in each subject, total marks given and qualifying status of the applicant.

As per the schedule, the Class 10 examination was conducted in Bihar from 17 to 24 February this year across various centres. The exam was held in two shifts; the first commenced from 9:30 am to 12:45 pm, while the second shift began from 1:45 pm to 5 pm.

Around 17 lakh candidates registered themselves for the examination this year. On 8 March, the board had released the answer key for Class 10 examination. The last date to raise objections was till 11 March.

For more details, students are advised to visit the official portal of BSEB at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

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Bihar Board 10th Result 2022: BSEB to release matric results today at 1 pm; check details here

The Bihar Board Class 10 Results 2022 is expected to be declared by the Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) today (31 March) at 1 pm. Following the announcement, students can check their 10th Result 2022 by visiting the official website at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

Before BSEB Matric result link is activated on the official website, the board will hold a press conference to make the announcement.

Apart from the official website, students can also check BSEB Class 10 results on Onlinebseb.in and Biharboardonline.com. Reports suggest that the results for Bihar Class 10 will be announced officially at a press conference.

This year, there were around 17 lakh students who registered for Class 10 final exams. As per the schedule, the exams were conducted between 17 and 24 February. The exams were held in two shifts; the first began from 9:30 am to 12:45 pm and the second commenced from 1:45 pm to 5 pm.

Here’s how to check Bihar Board 10th Result 2022:

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

Step 2: Search and click on the result link that is available on the homepage.

Step 3: Students need to enter their login credentials correctly.

Step 4: After providing all required details, click on submit. Soon, the BSEB Matric result 2022 will appear on the screen.

Step 5: Keep a print out of the same for further use or reference.

Students can also check their results directly here

To qualify for the BSEB 10th final examination, students have to secure a minimum of 30 percent marks in all individual subjects of the exam. Those who are unable to secure the minimum passing marks (in one or two subjects) will be required to take the compartment exam.

The Board will give cash prizes and laptops to Bihar board toppers this year. First rank holders will be awarded Rs 1 lakh, second and third rank holders will receive Rs 75,000 and Rs 50,000, respectively.

Check the post here: 

pic.twitter.com/8k3KhY5Ra6

— Bihar School Examination Board (@officialbseb) April 5, 2021

The Board will give Rs 10,000 each and a laptop to 4^th to 10th rank holders. Some other students will also receive laptops and Kindle ebook readers.

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Petrol, diesel prices today: Fuel gets dearer again on 31 March; hiked Rs 6.40 per litre in 10 days

Petrol and diesel prices were on Thursday hiked by 80 paise a litre each, taking the total increase in rates in the last 10 days to Rs 6.40 per litre.

Petrol in Delhi will now cost Rs 101.81 per litre as against Rs 101.01 previously while diesel rates have gone up from Rs 92.27 per litre to Rs 93.07, according to a price notification of state fuel retailers.

Rates have been increased across the country and vary from state to state depending upon the incidence of local taxation.

This is the ninth increase in prices since the ending of a four-and-half-month long hiatus in rate revision on 22 March.

In all, petrol and diesel prices have gone up by Rs 6.40 per litre each.

On the first four occasions, prices were increased by 80 paise a litre - the steepest single-day rise since the daily price revision was introduced in June 2017. On the following days, petrol price went up by 50 paise and 30 paise a litre while diesel rose by 55 paise and 35 paise a litre. Petrol price was on Tuesday hiked by 80 paise a litre and diesel by 70 paise.

In all, petrol and diesel rices have gone up by Rs 5.60 per litre each.

Prices had been on a freeze since 4 November ahead of the Assembly elections in states like Uttar Pradesh and Punjab — a period during which the cost of raw material (crude oil) soared by about $30 per barrel.

The rate revision was expected soon after counting of votes on 10 March but it was put off by a couple of weeks.

The increase in retail price warranted by crude oil prices rising during the 137-day hiatus from around $82 per barrel to $120 is huge but state-owned fuel retailers Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd (BPCL) and Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Ltd (HPCL) are passing on the required increase in stages.

Moody's Investors Services last week stated that state retailers together lost around $2.25 billion (Rs 19,000 crore) in revenue for keeping petrol and diesel prices on hold during the election period.

Oil companies "will need to raise diesel prices by Rs 13.1-24.9 per litre and Rs 10.6-22.3 a litre on gasoline (petrol) at an underlying crude price of $100-120 per barrel," according to Kotak Institutional Equities.

CRISIL Research said a Rs 9-12 per litre increase in retail price will be required for a full pass-through of an average $100 per barrel crude oil and Rs 15-20 a litre hike if the average crude oil price rises to $110-120.

India is 85 per cent dependent on imports for meeting its oil needs and so retail rates adjust accordingly to the global movement.

With inputs from agencies

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ICAI CA May Exam 2022: Deadline to register ends today, check direct link here

The Institute of Chartered Accountants of India (ICAI) will close the registration process for CA May Exams 2022 today, 30 March. Those who are interested and have not registered yet for Final, Inter and Foundation courses, can do so by visiting the official ICAI website at icai.org till 11:59 pm.

While registering for the exam, candidates need to create a new account using their name, email address, date of birth and registered mobile number. When filling out the application form, students will be required to pay a late fee of Rs 600 along with the registration charge.

The registration link was activated by the institute on 26 March this year on the official website — icai.org. The decision to reopen the registration link was decided after ICAI observed that some students who were pertaining to old programmes, could not convert to new courses; hence, resulting in non-submission of online examination application forms for CA May Examinations, 2022.

Find official notice here.

Check how to register for ICAI CA May Exam 2022:

Step 1: Go to the official site icai.org.

Step 2: Search and click on the ICAI CA May Exam 2022 link that is available on the home page.

Step 3: Candidates need to enter the login details correctly and click on submit.

Step 4: Then, fill the application form and also make the required payment of application fees.

Step 5: Once the process is done, you can click on submit.

Step 6: Download the confirmation page and take a hard copy of the same for future use.

Find direct link here.

The deadline for candidates to make changes in examination city/ group/ medium for the CA May/June 2022 examination is today, 30 March.

Along with the CA May Exams 2022, candidates can apply for the ICAI Post Qualification Course: International Taxation – Assessment Test (INTT – AT).

For more details and information, keep a check on the official website on a regular basis.

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Ban on Muslim traders in Karnataka temples citing 2002 rule: Understanding what the law actually says

After the Karnataka High Court (HC) ordered that hijab will not be allowed inside educational institutions a fortnight ago, Muslim traders in coastal Karnataka downed shutters in protest. The fallout of that demonstration is grave. Now temples across the state are putting restrictions on businessmen from the community, denying them permission to set up stalls on shrine premises or at temple fairs.

A law passed during the Congress rule in 2002 has been constantly citied. But what does the law really say?

First ban in Shivamogga, others follow

The ban first started in Shivamogga. Following pressure from Hindutva groups, the organising committee of the historic Kote Marikamba Jatra decided not to give tenders to Muslim shopkeepers. Only those belonging to the Hindu community are permitted to open stall during the festival, which is held once in two years, and attracts lakhs of people of all religions and castes from neighbouring districts.

Now, other temples have taken cue and imposed similar bans. Temples in Karup, Udupi, Tumkur, Hassan, Chikmagalur, and other districts have decided to allow only Hindu vendors on temple premises.

At the Mahalingeshwara Temple in Puttur, organisers of the annual festival to be held in April have barred Muslims from participating in the auction. The Hosa Marigudi temple in Udupi’s Kaup imposed a similar rule, refusing to allot stalls o Muslims.

Locals were outraged that Muslims kept their shops closed after the HC verdict. The ban comes in response to that.

In Dakshina Kannada district, a hoarding of the Bappanadui Sri Durgapameshwari temple’s annual festivities stated, “People who don’t respect the law or the land and who kill the cows that we pray and who is against the unity will not be allowed to do business. We will not allow them to do business. Hindu is aware”, according to a report in The Indian Express.

Mangaluru city police commissioner N Shashi Kumar told the newspaper that they were looking into the matter. “If the civic agency is ready to file a complaint, we will consult our legal team and take action accordingly,” he said.

Among the other famous temples which have barred Muslim traders are the Belur Channakeshava in Hassan, Siddhalingeshwara in Tumkur, and the 800-year-old Bappanadu shrine near Mangaluru. Ironically, in Bappanadu premises is the Durgaparameshwari temple, built by Muslim merchant Bappa Beary of Kerala; it’s considered a symbol of communal harmony. This is the first-time ever that there is a ban on Muslims from bidding for leases at its festival.

When the issue came up in Karnataka Assembly

The issue was raised in the state Assembly by a Congress MLA, saying that the ban on Muslims was further creating a divide in society. “The history of the coastal district has several examples where Muslims and Hindus have co-existed in harmony, and have celebrated festivals together. Some cowardly people are installing hoardings that Muslims are not allowed. It has set a bad precedent, but, fortunately, at some places the Hindus have taken a stand against such diktats,” he said.

However, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government has defended the ban, saying that rules formulated by the Congress in 2002, when the party was in power, prohibited the leasing of land or buildings near temples to non-Hindus.

Karnataka Law and Parliamentary Affairs Minister JC Madhuswamy had said that the government does not encourage the ban, but he went on to cite the 2002 law. On 24 March, Madhuswamy said that Rule 31(12) of the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 2002 states that no property including land, building or site, situated near the institution, shall be leased to non-Hindus.

“Citing these rules (under the Act), posters and banners have been put up,” Madhuswamy said, backing the boycott. “If any obstruction is being caused to them outside the premises of a religious place, it will be rectified and action will be taken. If things are happening (other community vendors trading) within the premises, they will have to follow the rules.”

What the law actually says

Rule 31 of the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 2002 (the parent legislation is from 1997) talks about the terms of the lease and renewal of immovable property of a notified institution that comes under the Act. Sub-rule 12 under this Rule 31 says that any property — land, building, or area — which is located near a Hindu institution or temple shall not be leased to non-Hindus, The News Minute says in a report.

The law minister’s argument then does not stand, since stalls at temple fairs are not immovable property but temporary instalments which can be dismantled.

“(It is) a deliberate misinterpretation of the provision, as Rule 31 only deals with long-term leases of immovable property owned by a temple (up to 30 years for land, and five years for shops and buildings). It does not deal with the short-term licences which would be used to allot stalls or spaces to vendors during a festival,” People’s Union for Civil Liberties Karnataka has said in the letter to Karnataka Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai and Karnataka Governor Thawar Chand Gehlot, according to The News Minute.

Politicians speak

There has been no word from the chief minister, as the ban spreads across the state.

Leader of Opposition in the Karnataka Assembly H D Kumaraswamy has slammed Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai over his government’s, calling him “a puppet” in the hands of right-wing organisations.

“Our chief minister is a puppet of some organisations. He is running the government on their orders. To save his chair, he is listening to whatever they say. Where is the stand of the government on calls for boycotting a community in business matters? No decision has been taken by the government,” Kumaraswamy said.

However, two BJP legislators have spoken up against the ban. AH Vishwanath, an MLC, and Anil Benake, an MLA, have called the restrictions “wrong” and “undemocratic”.

“No God or religion preaches these kinds of things. Religions are inclusive and not exclusive,” Vishwanath said.

“Under the Constitution, everybody has equal rights. Anybody can conduct business anywhere and people must decide where they want to buy from, that is all. We will not impose restrictions,” said Benake.

While the debate rages on, Muslim vendors continue to suffer heavy losses. November to April is fair season in Karnataka and the traders who have already been hit by the pandemic are further losing out.

With inputs from agencies

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Interview | BJP real alternative to DMK in Tamil Nadu; there is not Dravidian ideology, says K Annamalai

Since taking charge of Bharatiya Janata Party’s Tamil Nadu unit in July 2021, policeman-turned-politician K Annamalai has laid down the law for local leaders and cadres, and has cracked the whip on non-performers. He earned praise from the top brass after leading the BJP to a creditable performance in this year’s Tamil Nadu urban civic polls, and has now set his sights on the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and the 2026 Assembly polls. He spoke exclusively to News18 on a wide range of issues, including the BJP’s plans to grow in Tamil Nadu, its ‘anti-Tamil’ image, what he thinks about the ruling DMK, his party’s relationship with the AIADMK, as well as issues like ‘Dravidianism’ and ‘conversion’. Edited excerpts:

How do you see the BJP in Tamil Nadu since you have taken over?

More than me taking over, it is the continuity that is important. The BJP has a strategy and we are working towards achieving it. In the party, we do not focus on individuals but party objective and collective leadership. In the last ten months, we have gone aggressive in taking on the DMK and highlighting their mistakes in the people’s forum. I strongly believe people in Tamil Nadu want an alternative to the DMK— one that stands against family politics, corruption, and corporate politics. The BJP is that kind of a party and the real alternative for the DMK in Tamil Nadu in the future.

How are you positioning yourself differently from the DMK to the people of Tamil Nadu?

The BJP’s ideology is 180 degrees opposite of what the DMK has been standing for. We believe in solving the issues of the people and focusing on every segment of society, unlike the DMK. Wherever we are in power, our service delivery has been extremely good and we have solved the last-mile delivery issue and provided to the people what they want. The DMK can’t even deliver a Pongal gift that they promised…one of 22 items… properly to their electorate. The BJP on the other hand is all about empowering the common man, providing a clean image — both public and personal— and handling the money in the most effective manner. On the other hand, the DMK’s idea of governance is to make people dependent on the party and the government.

Tamil Nadu is being mismanaged by the DMK. The state is in debt of over Rs 6.5 lakh crore and we have seen how close to Rs 9,000 crore of revenue comes from TASMAC. According to the DMK, social justice is to allow liquor to flow freely. Look at Modiji’s governance in Gujarat— without taking a single paisa from the liquor lobby as revenue, the government ran, and even a surplus budget was presented. There will certainly be a clash of ideas between the DMK and the BJP in the future.

Tamil Nadu is a state dominated by Dravidian ideology. Why do you think the BJP can become a major force?

There is nothing called Dravidian ideology. I keep questioning Tamil Nadu chief minister Stalin on what is the Dravidian model of development. The CM replies that the Dravidian model is about inclusion. Isn’t the BJP inclusive? If the DMK is inclusive, how is it that one family runs the party? Tamil Nadu has 44 families that dominate the DMK and that means two to three generations of that family keep coming to power. Is this what they called the Dravidian model of inclusivity? The model that is highly corrupt, personality centric, and one that does not focus on empowering the common man? It is not the Dravidian model but they should call it the Gopalapuram model or the DMK model. The DMK cannot take ownership of the Dravidian world. We believe that anybody who belongs to this land is rightfully a Dravidian and it is the BJP that is the alternative for the people to trust. We are taking the DMK head-on over this issue.

So how do you define Dravidianism and the BJP’s relationship with Dravidianism?

Dravidianism is about taking everybody along and social justice. It is not about Brahmin bashing, OBC bashing, or being anti-Hindu. Dravidianism is about empowering all segments of society, like it has been doing for more than 350 years. It is about keeping the land spiritual and nationalistic. This is the land of Bharathiya who spoke of Bharat Mata. Tamil Nadu has produced scholars, researchers, freedom fighters until 1967. Somebody takes over the Dravidian land and claims it as their own? That is not acceptable.

You recently broke away from your ally AIADMK for a friendly contest in the urban body elections. How do you assess the party’s performance after contesting alone?

For any party, the legitimate test is to allow it to grow. Firstly, in the urban body elections, the BJP found a great opportunity to take the party across the state. Secondly, we were able to identify 5,000 next-generation young leaders who contested on our party ticket. Thirdly, the party was able to win in seats where we had no presence at all. And fourthly, in terms of vote share, we are now the largest party. Overall we can say the goals and parameters the party had set for itself have been achieved during the urban body polls. This is just the beginning, we will only grow bigger and stronger from here.

What do you see as the future of the AIADMK?

I believe that all our political partners should do well. It is for the benefit of the state. But as the state president of Tamil Nadu, I am more interested in growing the BJP. My primary task is to increase the party cadre base.

Does Sasikala still have a future in politics? What is your opinion about the possibility of TTV Dhinakaran and Sasikala being brought back to the AIADMK?

I see 8.5 crore people of Tamil Nadu have a future in politics if they want. Anybody can come and contest elections. I do not want to comment on a specific individual. The people of Tamil Nadu like those who work for them, fight for their rights and needs, and serve them. Anybody who wants to do this has a future in Tamil Nadu politics. I don’t want to comment on the AIADMK and what’s happening in their party. It is for their party leaders to take a call. I am not interested in how the other party tries to resolve its internal issues. I am busy running my own party in TN.

Do you think Tamil Nadu should have an anti-conversion law?

We have to understand the difference between anti-conversion law and forced-conversion law. You cannot force anybody by any means and try to convert them from the religion they are born into. They are doing a disservice of two kinds: one to the religion that they are born in and the other to the new religion that they are trying to enter. Any type of forced conversion is condemnable.

What is your target for the number of seats for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections?

As a party, we do not keep targets or numbers. But I would be really happy and take it as my responsibility to send a large number of MPs from Tamil Nadu to Modiji’s cabinet. Modiji has done a lot for the people of TN and there should be a connection between the PM and the Tamil Nadu MPs who will be elected. The schemes from the Centre should flow seamlessly. Until now, TN has received Rs 7.5 lakh crore from the Centre. The people of Tamil Nadu deserve better governance and I am hell-bent on sending a large number of MPs from our state. For the 2026 assembly elections, I have set a target of 150 MLAs and for 2024 the larger the number the better for us.

What do you think of Kamal Haasan’s political future?

A lot of members have left Kamal Haasan’s party and joined other parties. The people gave him two chances. They later realised that the party was not taking up the cause of the people. It is for him to decide his future in politics and of MNM. If you look at the recent urban body elections, there was not a single place where MNM came close to the BJP. Just because Kamal Haasan opposed Modiji and the BJP, one does not gain votes. People realised that it was being done only for the sake of politics.

Can the BJP shake off the anti-Tamil, pro-Hindi tag?

People don’t believe all this. There may be parties who may try to use their own television channels to propagate such allegations. It does not convert into votes. People do not believe in tags, rather they understand that the BJP stands for its principles and the people are accepting it slowly.

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How are Hindus treated in states where they are in a minority?

He who pays the piper plays the tune. For over 50 years of independent India’s 75 years, the national polity has been run by the Congress, supported quite often by the communists. This dispensation, by and large, took the Hindu majority for granted, confident that discriminatory and prejudicial practices against them, largely unconstitutional, would not be protested.

So, the Nehruvian regime and the subsequent dynastic rule of the Nehru-Gandhis, assessed that they could get away with it. That they have eventually lost almost all their perches in the states and the Centre is also a consequence of this blatant unfairness.

The Hindus, particularly after the Ram Janmabhoomi movement of the 1980s and the 1990s, have decided to vote against Congress domination in increasing numbers. But for at least five decades, the second-class treatment of Hindus was the norm, and set the theme for the states and Union Territories to follow. Accompanied by the Congress-appointed academics and intellectuals with well-paid sinecures and most of the media. Every one of these people made a virtue of their outlook by dressing it up in Marxian hues.

The various coalition governments that came as the Congress hold weakened, began to change things.

These were occasioned by the followers of Ram Manohar Lohia and Jayaprakash Narayan in the 1970s. Their influence gave birth to a number of strong regional parties of Yadavs and Dalits in the electorally dominant cow belt. In the South, simultaneously, the upper castes in power were overthrown by DMK and AIDMK politics in Tamil Nadu and elsewhere.

The Congress reacted autocratically with the infamous Emergency during which the descriptors ‘Secular’ and ‘Socialist’ were inserted into the Preamble of the Constitution, and subsequently weaponised.

The changes in the popular mood amongst the lower castes seemed to give the Congress leadership no clues about the need to change.

The Hindu may not have protested at the drop of a hat like the dominant national minority, but it began to vote in a different way, as did, ironically, the Muslims, sick of being used without true benefit.

The minority vote bank stopped being the exclusive preserve of the Congress. Still no correctives were applied. Instead, the Congress undertook a competitive appeasement. This might have been good for the Muslim rank and file, but it queered the pitch for the Hindus even more.

The coalition governments that came next with the fragmentation of the voting patterns, were unstable, pulling in different directions at once. Nevertheless, they were a precursor to the ultimate arrival of Hindu-majority BJP governments eight years ago.

Then, the political thematics indeed began to change. But the Opposition called it “Saffron Communalism”, and hoped against hope that it would be a flash in the pan.

The earlier six-year term of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, a decade before Modi began his Central innings in 2014, made some changes in tone and tenor, but it was hampered by the compulsions of coalition dharma, and being taunted as communal. That it was the pot calling the kettle black was lost on the so-called secularists.

How did the discrimination against Hindus become state policy? First, there was an assumption that the minorities needed special privileges to keep them from being swamped by the numerically dominant Hindus (80 percent). This, after the country had been partitioned hastily, with enormous loss of life and property, amid stark religious lines.

Despite heated opinions on every side, this was essentially done by the departing British, as a malicious parting shot in 1947, including the loss of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Like other partitions engineered by the British, it has left the pot of animosity simmering ever since, with occasions when it boils over. There have already been four wars with Pakistan, with the threat of another never too far away. And yet, the politics of minority appeasement is careful not to speak against Pakistani-sponsored terrorism. Instead, it futilely looks for a hook on saffron terrorism to hang its narrative on.

Then there were the provisions in the Constitution, bequeathed to the nation in 1950, that were misused by successive Central and state governments. Article 26 guarantees freedom to all religions to manage their religious affairs including their finances and properties.

In reality, almost all Hindu temples, shrines, properties and associated institutions such as mutts, are, if not fully nationalised, certainly quasi-commandeered by state governments.

The average state not only maintains oversight on all administrative activity, but uses large parts of the huge temple finances as they see fit, for matters that have nothing to do with the Hindu faith. Even their lands are handily encroached upon by the government.

By way of contrast, various Christian church properties, seminaries, retreats, schools, colleges, the latter largely government-assisted, are run exclusively by Christians. The church has one of the largest land-holdings in India, a legacy from British/Portuguese times, but these have been left undisturbed by independent India.

Likewise, the mosques, extensive properties/land, madrassas, seminaries, quite a few originated from Moghul times, are run exclusively by the Muslim waqf boards without any form of outside interference.

Many temples, however, have been demolished both by the Christians in Goa during Portuguese rule, and by the Mughals, as a routine, with no effort at retribution or restitution by the Government of India.

The Spanish Inquisition was brought to Goa and horrific atrocities were perpetrated on its Hindu population in the Catholic Church’s conversion drive. Likewise, the Mughals slaughtered Hindus at will in their millions during their rule, and were only challenged by the Marathas, and later by the British, who took over from them.

But the pristine status of Muslim and Christian holdings and practices puts their culturally aggressive religious bodies in a disproportionately powerful position. In states where the political domination is from the Muslims or Christians, the abuse of Hindus has gone as far as genocide.

In addition, the domination of Sikhs in Punjab has also proved to be increasingly inimical to the prospects of Hindu Punjabis, as well as migrant populations from other states. This is another case of a national minority in pole position in its home state, and its subsequent unforgivable behaviour, despite linguistic affinity. This phenomenon is also rapidly becoming the case in West Bengal, where the social engineering supported by the state government favours a demographic shift in favour of Muslims, both indigenous and imported from Bangladesh.

Both are border states closely watched for leverage by Pakistan and China. The other place, small as it is, where deep threats are at work, is Kerala. There a long-standing communist administration, the last bastion after the loss of Tripura and West Bengal, aids and abets Islamist extremism in its dominant pockets. This is a variation on the theme, but Kerala operates at the expense of the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority.

But this hands-off policy is not the case with the financially rich major Hindu temples where the devotees donate crores of rupees and other offerings in jewels and gold. The revered Tirupati temple is a glaring instance of government hands in the till.

The recent freeing of the Char Dhams in Uttarakhand from all government control is a refreshing exception going in the other direction. The Supreme Court thinks all the Hindu temples should be free of government controls, but the states and possibly the Centre are still not listening.

In addition, Hindus are in a minority in 10 states, but unlike Muslims and Christians, get none of the minority benefits. They cannot do so unless the states or the Centre decide to designate them as a minority. There is no legal impediment, and yet this has been rarely done, if at all. Maharashtra has designated its Jews as an official minority, but Hindus have no such champion.

In Congress times, the North East was isolated, and saw little infrastructure development. It was run by the Centre, mainly via financial grants because it had little revenue generating capacity on its own. Religious conversion was rife. This collusion also served to keep it in the electoral fold of the Congress.

Since 2014, and particularly after Assam was won by the BJP, its leadership played a stellar role in roping in the smaller of the eight states that comprise this region, and hold just 5 per cent of the population. According to the 2011 Census, Hindus constitute 58 per cent, Christians are 16 per cent and Muslims are 22 per cent. Scheduled Tribes are in strength in the North East, and almost all are Christians.

The friction with the Hindus, that mostly reside in the valleys rather than the upper reaches, is palpable.

But the present political dispensation is ameliorating matters by relentless development of the region that is creating new facilities and local job opportunities. There has been huge infrastructure development by way of roads, bridges, tunnels, railway connectivity, as well as stadiums and training colleges. The North East is regarded as strategically important to keep Chinese ambitions at bay, as well as material to the development of India’s Look East and BIMSTEC Policies.

The BJP/NDA states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura and Assam are all being drawn into the mainstream.

There are 47 items in the Concurrent List, meaning those topics on which both the Centre or the state can legislate. There are as many ways to favour one lot of people over another, because these subjects cover items such as criminal law and procedure, preventive detention, trade unions, industrial and labour disputes.

Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution which deal with freedom to practice one’s religion without hindrance, and the management of their religious affairs in all aspects of it, has never treated Hindus fairly. This more so in places where they are reduced to a minority.

In Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan, almost every Hindu and Sikh has been driven out or killed. But what of India itself? The only way to right the wrongs of independent India’s distorted ideas of secularism, is to declare India a Hindu rashtra. This must come sooner rather than later.

The writer is a Delhi-based commentator on political and economic affairs. The views expressed are personal.

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Fire at Delhi's Ghazipur 'garbage mountain' rages on for three days: What's going on and how it raised a political stink

A thick blanket of smoke continues to engulf the east Delhi’s Ghazipur dumping yard after a fire broke out in the area on Monday.

Firefighters, who reached the spot on Monday afternoon, are battling swampy stretches, a hostile terrain which their vehicles can't tread, to put out the flames which continue to smoulder.

#WATCH Smoke continues to rise from the Ghazipur landfill, which has been burning since Monday, 28 March#Delhi pic.twitter.com/MSJroRF9ea

— ANI (@ANI) March 30, 2022

But, what exactly happened at the dumping yard to cause such a blaze is yet to be ascertained. Here’s all we know about the incident and the fallout of such an incident.

Fire breaks out

At 2.30 pm on Monday, the fire department received a call about a fire at Ghazipur's Khatta.

The Ghazipur landfill site, commissioned in 1984, is spread across an area of 70 acre. When last measured in 2019, the garbage dump site had grown 65 metres (213 feet) high, with experts saying it would dwarf the Qutub Minar (73 metres) in a few years if no action was taken.

As per reported information, around 700 trucks dump 3,000 metric tonnes of garbage every day at this landfill. Made up of combustible substances, garbage and sewage dump, it has made the life of the people residing nearby miserable.

The fire at the landfill site in Ghazipur on Monday, led to a huge cloud of smoke enveloping the region and neighbouring areas. No casualty was reported.

Immediately after the blaze, the fire department pressed two fire tenders with nearly 10 firemen and at least half a dozen earth movers to the spot to douse the flames.

On Tuesday morning, though the blaze was brought under control, there were some sporadic places where the fire kept going owing to the strong winds and the presence of inflammable items in the garbage dump such as plastics and paper.

According to the Hindustan Times, the fire department then deployed two more fire tenders and nearly 30 firemen to bring the blaze under control. The operation still continues at the time of this report being published.

The fire at the landfill is very hard to contain and douse, according to Delhi Fire Services chief Atul Garg. He was quoted as saying that as the blaze was spread across a large part, it was difficult to contain it. Moreover, the roads at the site are swampy and moving around the hill with fire tenders loaded with water can be risky.

Police investigates

As firefighters continued their efforts to douse the flames, the Delhi Police on Tuesday registered an FIR against unknown persons in connection with the fire.

"An FIR has been registered under sections 278 (making atmosphere noxious to health), 285 (negligent conduct with respect to fire or combustible mat­ter) and 336 (act endangering life or personal safety of others) of the Indian Penal Code against unknown people," Deputy Commissioner of Police (East) Priyanka Kashyap was quoted as saying to news agency PTI.

Raising a political stink

The fire at the Ghazipur dumpyard has also led to a political row between the BJP and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

On Monday, the AAP asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah to tell the people how do they plan to deal with the “crisis”. The party alleged that the dumping yard in Ghazipur area along with two other "garbage hills" on the borders of Delhi has been given to Delhiites by the BJP-ruled municipal corporations.

AAP's Atishi held the BJP-ruled East Delhi Municipal Corporation responsible for the fire incident, saying it has done nothing to solve the problem "even though it knows very well that a fire can break out at this garbage hill anytime leading to a dangerous situation for those coming here to dump the garbage and also the people living in the area".

AAP's Kondli MLA Kuldeep Kumar said the region has become a "gas chamber" after the fire broke out at the Ghazipour dumping yard.

"This is not happening for the first time. Imagine how do people live in this area," he rued.

Delhi environment minister Gopal Rai directed the Delhi Pollution Control Committee (DPCC) to submit a report on the incident within 24 hours.

Not the first time

This fire at the landfill is the fifth such incident in this year alone. Fire department data reveals that a total of four such incidents at landfill sites — two each at Bhalswa and Tughlakabad — took place in this year alone.

The data showed that in 2021, a total of 16 fire incidents took place of which four occurred at Ghazipur.

Toxic fumes

The blaze has led to toxic fumes choking local residents who have complained of breathing.

"My son was the first to start itching his eyes and coughing," Shyam Biswas, who sells flowers in the local wholesale market was quoted as saying by The Guardian. “Then my father began and when we went out on the balcony we saw the sky filled with black smoke.”

For people living in the areas surrounding it, the air is always toxic. The decomposing waste releases noxious gases, exacerbating the already heavily polluted air.

A World Air Quality report last week found that Delhi was the world’s most polluted capital city in 2021 for the fourth consecutive year.

With inputs from agencies

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The great Nehruvian myth-making: How Nehru wasn’t that secular, humanist and democrat as made out to be

Acharya Jivatram Bhagwandas Kripalani was close to Jawaharlal Nehru at the time of Independence. Nehru had supported Kripalani for the Congress presidency in 1950, but Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s candidate, Purushottam Das Tandon, easily won the day. It’s another matter that Sardar Patel died that very year and Nehru, becoming all-powerful in the party, forced Tandon to resign.

Cut to 1955, and five years can be a long time in politics. Kripalani then found himself standing against Nehru. During a debate in Parliament on the Hindu Code Bill that sought to reform personal laws for Hindus, he took on Nehru. “I charge you (Nehru) with communalism because you are bringing forward a law about monogamy only for Hindu community. Take it from me that the Muslim community is prepared to have it but you are not brave enough to do it,” he said.

Kripalani wasn’t alone in exposing Nehru’s secular double standards. MC Chagla, noted jurist and Nehru’s Cabinet colleague, wrote in his memoirs Roses in December how Nehru showed “great strength and courage in getting the Hindu Reform Bill passed, but he accepted the policy of laissez faire where the Muslims and other minorities were concerned”. He questioned the Nehru government’s refusal to reform the Muslim personal law “on the plea that minorities will resent any attempt at imposition. Unless they (Muslims) are agreeable it would not be fair and proper to make the law applicable to them”. He continued, “I wholly and emphatically disagree with this view. The Constitution is binding on everyone, majority and minority.”

It was Nehru’s idea of secularism — often seen to be bending backwards to appease minorities and felicitating them to have “their own laws and ghettos”, as Harsh Madhusudan and Rajeev Mantri write in A New Idea of India — which his successors in the Congress pushed forward with much gusto and zeal, turning secularism into a sort of minorityism. And when this Nehruvian notion of secularism combined with vote-bank politics of the 1970s and ’80s, it created havoc in Indian politics as seen in the Shah Bano case in the 1980s. Manmohan Singh’s ‘minority-first’ interpretation of secularism was the rightful descendant of Nehruvian secularism. It is this idea of secularism that turned Muslims into permanent minorities with perpetual Hindu phobia.

Nehru’s idea of secularism/liberalism was inherently shaped by his distrust for Hinduism. He saw it through his former master’s eyes. Australian diplomat Walter Crocker, who served twice as Ambassador to India between 1952-1955 and 1958-1962, wrote a largely admirable biography of Nehru. But even he couldn’t miss Nehru’s pet prejudices, which include ‘Hinduism’, along with Maharajas, moneylenders, certain American etiquettes, et al.

Is it, therefore, any surprise that Nehru found Hindu communalism a greater threat to India than Muslim fundamentalism? So extreme was his abhorrence for what he called the “RSS mentality”, writes Swapan Dasgupta in Awakening Bharat Mata, that he “subordinated the challenge posed by the communist parties to the more pressing battle against ‘Hindu right-wing communalism’”.

One gets a sense of this mindset in a letter Nehru wrote to Sardar Patel in October 1948, soon after his visit to London to attend a Commonwealth Conference. “We are criticised considerably for our detention without trial and other repressive activities of the state, in so far as trade unions and labour people and the like are concerned,” he stated. Incidentally, the same letter Nehru conveyed his distrust for the RSS. “Regarding RSS, there is a widespread impression in England that they are Fascist, communal-minded people”, he wrote, adding: “If at this juncture we remove the ban on the RSS… this will be widely interpreted as encouraging certain Fascist elements in India.”

Following these pieces of evidence, some recorded by Nehru himself and others by his colleagues, there remains no iota of doubt that Nehru was secular only when he was dealing with Hinduism. When it came to the Muslim community, he followed a more conciliatory path, allowing and, in some cases, felicitating their ghettoisation. He would also adapt two different, often contradictory, policies while dealing with the Right-wing and the Left.

His humanism too would be decided by his ideological leanings. Nehru’s China/Tibet policy disaster is a well-known saga. How with his geostrategic naiveté and ideological stupidity, he handed over Tibet to Mao’s China on a platter! What’s little known is Nehru’s hostility for any outpouring of Tibetan frustration, anger at the Chinese persecution in Lhasa and elsewhere.

In September 1953, for instance, a few people came together to organise Tibet Day in Delhi. But when Nehru got to know about this, he was furious. He just couldn’t comprehend why Tibetans should protest. (So much for his humanism!) Nehru asked condescendingly, “Why anyone should proclaim a Tibet Day passes my comprehension, more especially at this juncture. Who was the genius who suggested it or whose bright idea it was, I do not know?”

Nehru then mocked the Tibetans. “But anyhow here was this Tibet Day about 10 days ago — nobody has noticed it — but a dozen to two dozen persons marched through the streets of Delhi to proclaim their love of Tibet and marched to the Chinese Embassy and demonstrated in front of it with loud cries. Well, it is rather childish…” Well, there couldn’t be a grosser representation of insensitivity and intolerance than mocking those who had lost their homeland!

The fact is — and it has been concealed by historians from the days of S Gopal to Ramachandra Guha — Nehru was a closet communist. Yes, of course the communists of his days targeted and abused him, calling him the “running dog of imperialists”, but it was primarily because he was seen as a compromised Leftist. One must look at how Nehru went out of the way to woo Stalin through his sister, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, even when the Soviet strongman refused to meet her.

Nehru’s admiration for Stalin and Soviet communism remained undiminished. He wrote, “I believe that his (Stalin’s) influence was exercised generally in favour of peace. When war came, he proved himself a great warrior, but from all the information we have had, his influence has been in favour of peace.” And in 1955, during his Soviet trip as a state guest, he described the visit as a “pilgrimage”. How can a democrat find a pilgrimage in an authoritarian state which killed more people than Adolf Hitler’s Nazi dispensation?

Nehru’s authoritarian streak in the political sphere is comparatively well-known. Soon after the demise of Sardar Patel in 1950, he forced an elected Congress president to resign. Interestingly, he took over the party’s control, forgetting the convention of one-man, one post. It took Nehru three years to realise the error of a Prime Minister holding the party president post. And by then, there was no one left in the Congress to challenge Nehru and Nehruism. Even his admirers like Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, former Cabinet colleague, and Frank Morales, his biographer, openly said that following Patel’s death, “there is no one to restrain or guide Nehru”.

History may expose Nehru’s secular, liberal and democratic credentials, but his fellow historians continue to swear by him. Guha, a self-confessed Nehru admirer, in a recent article, accused the Narendra Modi government of weakening the federal structure of India. He began the article by reminding the readers how during Nehru’s long tenure of 17 years as prime minister, Article 356 was invoked only eight times. The idea of federalism hit a nadir during Indira Gandhi’s time when this constitutional provision was used “a full 50 times in the two periods as prime minister — 1966 to 1977 and 1980 to 1984”. Narendra Modi, in contrast, in the past eight years, invoked Article 356 eight times.

On the face of it, the above data should stop Modi baiting, at least on the issue of federalism. But not Guha, who conveniently shifts the goalpost: He acknowledges the above statistics but adds a few hypothetical assessments — such as “collaborative spirit” and “increasing powers over states” — to reach the conclusion of his choice: That Modi “undermined and weakened” Indian federalism far more than any previous prime minister!

Statistics often tell half the story. As one looks at the numbers closely, it’s obvious that Modi’s record on Article 356 is far better than it appears. For, the devil is in the details. And when one looks at the details, it becomes obvious that except in the case of Arunachal Pradesh, the Modi dispensation has mostly invoked Article 356 when the state government lost its majority in the Assembly. This was not always the case during Nehru’s time, and this was definitely not a predominant feature when Indira Gandhi was in power.

Nehru’s role in distorting federalism is a well-guarded and least-analysed myth, except in the Kerala fiasco, where again his daughter is predominantly blamed for arm-twisting her poor papa! In 1958, the Kerala Governor pushed for the President’s Rule in the state without letting the first elected communist government test its strength in the Assembly. The Governor was convinced that the state government “has lost the support of the majority of the people”. And that was enough to dismiss the state government in the Nehruvian federal set up.

Kerala wasn’t an exception. Even in Punjab (1951) and Andhra Pradesh (1954), the state governments were dismissed while they enjoyed a majority in the Assembly. The main consideration all this while was, as historian Granville Austin wrote quite scathingly, the Congress blending “its interests with questionable national needs to take over a state government”.

So, how do we analyse Nehru. His credentials as a secular, liberal democrat are no doubt flawed, but then he was not a unique character. According to Sita Ram Goel, such persons have been seen in all societies subjugated to alien rule for long. “There are always people in all societies who confuse superiority of armed might with superiority of culture, who start despising themselves as belonging to an inferior breed and end by taking to the ways of the conqueror in order to regain self-confidence, who begin finding faults with everything they have inherited from their forefathers, and who finally join hands with every force and factor which is out to subvert their ancestral society,” he wrote.

Nehru, born in the pre-Independence era, still had reasons to carry the colonial hangover. He also belonged to an era when being a Leftist wasn’t just fashionable but also lucrative. But what explains the intellectual honesty of our ‘liberal’ intelligentsia? Do they have any moral authority to swear by democracy, liberalism and even secularism when they have signed the Faustian bargain with the Nehruvian order to paint an idyllic scenario of the 1950s when there was none, and then condemn the current dispensation on similar parameters?

It’s time for the so-called liberals to smell the coffee and wake up to new realities. Else, they should be prepared to go gentle into that good night!

This is Part 2 of a two-part series. Click here to read the first part.

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