LPG cylinder gets cheaper by Rs 10, priced at Rs 809 in Delhi and Mumbai

The Indian Oil Corporation Limited (IOCL) has decreased the prices of cooking gas by Rs 10.  The Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) cylinder, weighing 14.2 kg, will now cost around Rs 809 in Delhi and Mumbai. Earlier the price was Rs 819. In Kolkata and Chennai, the cylinder will be available for Rs 835.50 and Rs 825, respectively.

The IOC has stated that the Retail Selling Price (RSP) of diesel and petrol has been reduced by 60 paise per litre and 61 paise per litre respectively in Delhi recently.

This is the first time in four months that the prices have been reduced. They have been on a constant hike since December last year. On 4 February, the prices were increased by Rs 25 per cylinder. They were again raised on 15 February by Rs 50, then on 25 February by Rs 25. On 2nd March, the prices were hiked by Rs 25. In total, there was an increase of Rs 175 per cylinder.

LPG prices in India are decided by two major factors - the international pricing of LPG and the exchange rate of the US dollar and rupee.

India is predominantly dependent on the import of crude oil. The continuous increase in international prices had led to the rise in prices of petroleum products in India too.

However, in the past few days, the international market prices have dropped down due to COVID-19 and over concerns about the vaccine.

Both petrol and diesel rates are revised daily on the basis of the international market. However, the prices of LPG are decided on the first of every month.

In November 2018, the LPG prices saw a steep rise in India. At that time, the price of an LPG cylinder was Rs 939. The rising cylinder prices are currently the burning political issue in states like West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Assam and Puducherry where Assembly elections are being held.

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RBI Office Attendant 2020: Admit card released at rbi.org.in; check steps to download

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI), on Wednesday, 31 March, has released the admit card of the Office Attendant 2020 exam. The registered candidates can visit the official website, rbi.org.in, before 10 April to download the admit cards. They will have to use their registration number, date of birth, and security code to check the call letter.

The duration of the exam is 90 minutes and it will be conducted on 9 and 10 April. Candidates can follow these steps to download the admit card:

Step 1: Visit the official website, rbi.org.in

Step 2: On the homepage, go to the 'Opportunities' section

Step 3: Under the current vacancies tab, select call letter

Step 4: On the new page, click on ‘Recruitment for the post of Office Attendants (2020) - Online Exam Call Letter and Information Handout’

Step 5: Enter the required details - registration number, date of birth, and security code

Step 6: The RBI Office Attendant admit card 2020 will be displayed on the screen

Step 7: Check, download and print it for future reference

Here's the direct link

The exam, to be conducted in online mode, will contain 120 objective-type questions. The question paper will be bilingual (English and Hindi) except for the General English test.

RBI aims at fulfilling a total of 841 vacancies with this recruitment drive. The online application for the exam started on 24 February and ended on 15 March.

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Gold prices decline, silver becomes costlier; check latest rates here

After increasing by Rs 10 on Wednesday, 31 March, the prices of both the qualities of gold have decreased by Rs 250 per 10 grams on Thursday, 1 April. The latest price of 10 grams of 22-carat gold is Rs 43,370 while the same quantity of 24-carat gold is available at Rs 44,370.

The price of 10 grams of 22-carat gold had increased by Rs 100 on 31 March in Chennai, however, on 1 April, the rates have fallen. After a decrease of Rs 180, the price of 10 grams of 22-carat gold is Rs 41,740. On the other hand, 10 grams of 24-carat gold can be bought for Rs 45,540 after a decrease of Rs 180 in its price.

In Delhi, the price of 10 grams of 22-carat gold has reduced by Rs 250. Buyers can now purchase it for Rs 43,250. After a decrease of Rs 270 per 10 grams in the price of 24-carat gold, it is available at the rate of Rs 47,180.

Both the qualities of gold can be purchased at reduced prices in Kolkata on 1 April after a decrease of Rs 270 per 10 grams. For purchasing 10 grams of 22-carat gold and 24-carat gold, buyers have to spend Rs 43,680 and Rs 46,400, respectively.

The price of silver has increased by Rs 4 per 10 grams after witnessing a fall yesterday. The metal can be purchased at Rs 636 per 10 grams in cities like Mumbai, Delhi, and Kolkata.

At 1:56 GMT (7:26 am IST), spot gold increased by 0.2 percent at $1,710.28 per ounce while US Gold Futures fell 0.3 percent to USD 1,709.80.

On Multi Commodity Exchange (MCX), June gold futures were flat at Rs 44,977 per 10 gram. Silver rates were also down by 0.35 percent at Rs 63,595.

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IGNOU TEE June 2021: Last date to submit assignment extended till 30 April

The Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) has extended the last date for the submission of assignments for the term-end examination (TEE), June 2021. The new deadline is 30 April, according to a notification released on the official website http://ignou.ac.in/ on Wednesday, 31 March.

As per the notification, the date has been extended for all the programmes of the term-end examination. It has been issued to all the schools, divisions, centres, units and institutes of IGNOU.

While the deadline for submission of assignments for TEE June 2021 has been extended, the last date to re-register for January 2021 session was 31 March.

The undergraduate, postgraduate and other students of semester-based programmes were asked to register for the next year or semester through the IGNOU website.

Along with this, IGNOU is also accepting applications for the January 2021 session in Distance Learning (ODL mode). Candidates who wish to pursue courses through distance learning can apply for their desired programme by Thursday, 15 April.

Currently, the university has an active portal where students can submit online applications requesting a copy of answer sheets and re-evaluation for June and December 2020 TEE.

IGNOU had also invited applications for the entrance of the management programme through OPENMAT 2021, for the nursing programme through OPENNET 2021 and B.Ed entrance examination. Registration for these exams closed on 20 March. Candidates who would be qualifying in these examinations will get admission to the university’s January 2020 session. 

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In highest single-day rise this year, India reports 72,330 new COVID-19 infections

New Delhi: India saw 72,330 new coronavirus infections being reported in a span of 24 hours, the highest single-day rise so far this year, taking the COVID-19tally of cases to1,22,21,665, according to the Union Health Ministry data updated on Thursday.

The single-day rise in cases is the highest recorded since October 11, 2020, while the toll increased to 1,62,927 with 459 daily new fatalities, the highest in around 116 days, the data updated at 8 am showed.

Registering a steady increase for the 22nd day in a row, the active cases have increased to 5,84,055, comprising 4.78 percent of the total infections, while the recovery rate has further dropped to 93.89 percent, the data stated.

As many as 74,383 new infections were recorded in a span of 24 hours on 11 October. The active caseload was at its lowest at 1, 35,926 on 12 February comprising 1.25 percent of the total infections.

The number of people who have recuperated from the disease surged to 1,14,74,683. The case fatality rate has further has dropped to 1.33 percent, the data stated.

India's COVID-19 tally had crossed the 20-lakh mark on 7 August,30 lakh on 23 August, 40 lakh on 5 September and50 lakh on 16 September. It went past 60 lakh on 28 September, 70 lakh on 11 October, crossed 80 lakh on 29 October, 90 lakh on 20 November and surpassed the one-crore mark on 19 December.

According to the ICMR, 24,47,98,621 samples have been tested up to 31 March, with 11,25,681 samples being tested on Wednesday.

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Nirmala Sitharaman tweets small savings rate cut order to be withdrawn; Congress calls it 'poll-driven hindsight'

In a tweet on Thursday morning that simultaneously gave rise to cheer and dismay, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said that the "interest rates of small savings schemes will continue to be at the rates which existed in the last quarter of 2020-2021". However, what caught everyone's attention was that "Orders issued by oversight shall be withdrawn."

Interest rates of small savings schemes of GoI shall continue to be at the rates which existed in the last quarter of 2020-2021, ie, rates that prevailed as of March 2021.
Orders issued by oversight shall be withdrawn. @FinMinIndia @PIB_India

— Nirmala Sitharaman (@nsitharaman) April 1, 2021

The finance minister's tweet in the morning when the states of Assam and West Bengal are voting in the second phase of Assembly elections in 39 and 30 constituencies respectively even led to speculations if the decision was motivated by the state polls with Congress general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra dropping hints of a more political decision rather than financial.

Really @nsitharaman “oversight” in issuing the order to decrease interest rates on GOI schemes or election driven “hindsight” in withdrawing it? https://t.co/Duimt8daZu

— Priyanka Gandhi Vadra (@priyankagandhi) April 1, 2021

Congress leader Vineet Punia responded to the finance minister's tweet accusing the BJP government of repeatedly harming citizens on the economic front.

भाजपा केवल ‘हम दो, हमारे दो’ की सरकार है, जनता के बीच अपना भरोसा खो चुकी है।

2014 की ब्याज दरें नीचे दी गई हैं पर आम भारतीय पर BJP ने बार-बार आर्थिक चोट मारी है। बार-बार लघु बचत योजनाओं, कर्मचारियों के पीपीएफ बचत खातों, किसान बचत योजना/सुकन्या की ब्याज दरों में भारी कमी की है। pic.twitter.com/TNeYEZzMy4

— Dr Vineet Punia। विनीत पुनिया (@VineetPunia) April 1, 2021

On Wednesday, in a jolt to savers, the finance ministry on Wednesday had reduced interest rate by up to 1.1 percent across various small savings schemes, including the National Savings Certificates (NSC) and Public Provident Fund (PPF).

The interest rate on Public Provident Fund (PPF) was reduced by 0.7 percent to 6.4 percent, while National Savings Certificate (NSC) was to earn 0.9 percent less at 5.9 percent.

The steepest fall of 1.1 percent was effected in the one-year term deposit. The new rate was brought down to 4.4 percent as compared to 5.5 percent.

Interest rates for small savings schemes are notified on a quarterly basis.​

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Twenty20 political machine in Kerala: Understanding the political rise of the apoliticals

As India debates issues related to donation to political parties and corporate influence on politics in the context of electoral bonds, Kerala is witnessing a unique experiment. Kizhakkambalam Twenty20, the corporate social responsibility (CSR) wing of Anna-Kitex group, that took a plunge into electoral politics in 2015, is writing a new chapter of corporate entry into Indian democracy.

Kizhakkambalam Twenty20 has gone beyond its self-declared target year of 2020 and is extending its reach far beyond its home panchayat of Kizhakkambalam. The experiment that started with a medical camp in 2013 is now in control of four panchayats and has fielded candidates in eight seats for the upcoming elections to the Kerala Legislative Assembly. The group’s political party, Twenty20, was recently endorsed by some of the Malayalam film industry's biggest names and a few of Kerala’s top business leaders.

Twenty20's success has been largely due to welfare programmes it undertook in the Kizhakkambalam panchayat. While it received many accolades for its welfare programmes, there have been isolated but strong voices alleging that the group functions in an autocratic manner. Its fortunes in the upcoming elections are beyond prediction due to the different dynamics of state elections; however, Twenty20 has clearly arrived on Kerala’s political stage.

In an age characterised by populist politics and democratic backsliding, Twenty20's rise and what it represents warrants our attention. How do we make sense of the rise of an apolitical CSR initiative in the highly politicized landscape of Kerala? What parallels can we find in history with regard to the organization and functioning of Twenty20? While its measures have been populist, what does the rise of 2020 augur for democracy at large? Finally, how does the rise of a corporate initiated political party transform us — the citizens? Answers to these questions are not easy, yet five years of its existence in electoral politics and its recent expansionary attempts offer us some clear insights.

The Twenty20 political party machine

While Twenty20 itself is new, historical events from elsewhere can be used as a window to understand its organisation and functions. There is an uncanny similarity between Twenty20 and what is referred to as political machines (political party machines or urban political machines) which governed most of America’s cities from late 19th Century to mid-20th Century. They were centralised organisations who ruled the municipal bodies through winning local elections. Twenty-first Century Kizhakkambalam is no 20th Century American city; however, one cannot miss loud voices from history while attempting to understand 2020 and its politics.

The most important feature of political machines was the centralization of power usually in the hands of one individual. This individual who was known as the city boss, more often than not was not an elected member of the city council. The machine boss controlled the city through nominees who pledged their allegiance to him. Twenty20 is controlled by party president Sabu M Jacob, chief coordinator of the company’s CSR wing and managing director of Anna-Kitex.

Like most of the city bosses, Jacob has not contested elections, but maintains a control over the elected members of the panchayat and government officials. There have been allegations that the panchayat “administration is under the control of Sabu M Jacob”. This control is further tightened as Twenty20 directly pays its elected Panchayat members. An important way by which city bosses maintained their popularity was by ensuring jobs to the voters of the city. Here too, the Twenty20 boss (Jacob) shares much in common with the American city bosses. Majority of the work force of Jacob’s company resides in and around the village and for them the boss is not just the head of the political party which governs the local body, but their employer as well.

The most striking similarity between 2020 and the political machines is the avoidance of a defined political ideology and the indifference to the creation of political policies. As a noted scholar remarked: “in the orbit of political machines, there is little serious discussion of political issues. People are drawn together by social activities of some kind or another [such as bowling clubs.] For those with a serious interest in politics, the atmosphere was repulsive.”

While the political machines were official affiliates to mainstream political parties, Twenty20 is unfettered in its avoidance of political ideology as it is an independent party by itself. Twenty20 has steadfastly presented itself as a party without any particular ideological positions and has derided political positioning as “emotionally driven decisions”. Twenty20 has thus far staved off from taking any position on a range of issues from Sabarimala woman’s entry to CAA. Despite emerging from a rural area, Twenty20 have no ideological positions on a burning issue like that of the three contentious farm laws. Every issue according to its president will be discussed with everyone and an amicable solution will be arrived at.

What underlies this apolitical positioning is the reluctance to acknowledge frictions and conflicts in the polity. By abstaining from having ideological positions, like political machines in the past, Twenty20 is hoping to unify the votes of individuals from conflicting social groups. Twenty20’s manifesto as well as ideology according to its president is “corruption free government and general development of Kerala”. As in the case of political machines, the campaign appeal of 2020 is more about patronage and the material benefits for electorates, containing nothing about social and political issues.

A related similarity between political machines and Twenty20 arises from the fact that both rely on welfare measures in a particular manner for gaining votes. Many scholars including sociologist Robert K Merton maintain that political machines sprang to life to compensate for the functional deficit of official governmental institutions and the resultant unmet needs of diverse social groups. While the emergence of Twenty20 is believed to be related to a protest the company faced due to allegations of polluting water bodies, the success of Twenty20 has been in meeting the unmet needs of many villagers through a slew of welfare measures. The measures such as the super market where things are sold at highly subsidised rates and “god’s villa” (a housing scheme for the poor) immensely contributed to Twenty20’s acceptance among the villagers.

Twenty20 had also distributed milch animals and laptops for students at a nominal rate. The political machine as well as Twenty20 demanded the voters to vote for them in return for these welfare measures. This arrangement was summed up by Frank Hague who was the party boss and mayor of Jersey City as “service 364 days a year in return for a vote on the 365th day”. The direct link between welfare measures and voter loyalty was brought to light when Twenty20 arbitrarily closed down the super market following villagers voting en masse against the wishes of Twenty20 boss in the 2019 parliament election. Yet another sign of reciprocity between Twenty20 welfare measures and support for the party is the requirement that only members of Twenty20 can access the super market.

Politics of monopoly control

The biggest difference between the political machine and Twenty20 is the fact that Twenty20’s welfare measures are funded by private money and runs parallel to the official state welfare. Unsurprisingly, this difference also becomes insignificant as it ties in well with yet another feature of political machines: Operation as a business monopoly. Twenty20 like political machines wants to monopolise the political landscape. Both want to position themselves as the only platform connecting businesses and citizens with the state. Political machine bosses such as Tom Pendergast of Kansas City ran private business and used the political power to further his business interests.

For Twenty20, this meant taking up the responsibility of welfare state and funding it using CSR money. For matters other than that of welfare, it occupied the local government so that it could monopolise rulemaking to its advantage. This combination of welfare measures and control of local government is essential for Twenty20 to ensure any events such as trade union strike or local protests are pre-emptively negated and its profit flow is unhindered. Running the welfare system as a private affair also meant that it could punish the detractors by locking them out of the welfare system.

To further cement their monopoly, political machines and Twenty20 have their own system of party workers and paid ward level volunteers respectively who act as the intermediaries between the state and the citizens. These individuals not only help political machines and Twenty20 to understand the popular pulse, but they also help to fine tone the welfare measures and ensure votes.

Twenty20 has knowingly or unknowingly emulated many aspects of political machines which governed US cities for almost a century. While it has many similarities with the political machines, 2020 is different in an important regard, using its CSR funds for welfare, it has initiated a movement in which citizens are fundamentally transformed. It has transformed citizens into consumers, replaced rights by discounts and more importantly created a community who is defined not by a sense of belongingness but by a membership to a privately run welfare programme.

In this community, the only form of politics is that of the Twenty20 boss. By privatising welfare, Twenty20 is becoming the political machine of the 21st Century.

The author is a PhD candidate in Sociology at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay. He is also a Fulbright fellow 2020-2021 in the Department of Economics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.  

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Assembly Election 2021 Phase 2 voting percentage LIVE Updates: 10.89% turnout in Bengal, 9.84% in Assam as of 9.20 am

10:04 (IST)

Assam Election 2021 LATEST Updates

Karbi Anglong records highest turnout at 15.93%

As of 10 am, Assam recorded a voting percentage of 10.51 percent on Thursday during the second phase of Assembly polls. Of the 14 districts voting today, Karbi Anglong registered the highest voter turnout at 15.93 percent while, Morigaon on the other hand could manage only 6.39 percent.

09:24 (IST)

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates

10.89% voter turnout as of 9.20 am 

According to the Election Commission, West Bengal recorded a voter percentage of 10.89 percent as of 9.20 am on Thursday in the second phase of Assembly polls.

Of the four districts voting today, Pashchim Medinipur registered highest turnout at 15.57 percent while, Bankura was the lowest at 3.74 percent.

09:19 (IST)

Assam Election 2021 LATEST Updates

7.75% voter turnout as of 9.15 am

According to the Election Commission, Assam recorded a voting percentage of 7.75 percent as of 9.15 am on Thursday in the second phase of Assembly polls.

 

Of the 14 districts voting today, Bokajan registered the highest voter turnout at 14.25 percent. Darrang on the other hand could manage 6.29 percent. Morigaon, and Rangia are yet to record a voting percentage.

09:09 (IST)

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates

0.25% voter turnout as of 9 am 

According to the Election Commission, West Bengal recorded a voter percentage of 0.25 percent as of 9 am on Thursday in the second phase of Assembly polls.

Of the four districts voting today, Bankura registered 1.20 percent voter turnout while, South 24 Parganas recorded 1.89 percent. Purba and Pashchim Medinipur have their kitties empty as of now. 

Assembly Election 2021 Phase 2 voting percentage LATEST Updates: Of the four districts voting today, Pashchim Medinipur registered highest turnout at 15.57 percent while, Bankura was the lowest at 3.74 percent.

According to the Election Commission, West Bengal recorded a voter percentage of 10.89 percent as of 9.20 am on Thursday in the second phase of Assembly polls.

Polling for the second phase of Assembly election started in Assam and West Bengal on Thursday. All eyes are on Nandigram where West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is locked in a fierce prestige battle with confidante-turned-adversary Suvendu Adhikari of the BJP.

In the state of Assam, meanwhile, the fate of five ministers, the deputy speaker and a few significant opposition faces will be decided as 39 seats in Assam go to the polls in the second phase.

The state of West Bengal, which has 294 Assembly constituencies, is electing a new Assembly across an eight-phased election. Elections to the 126-member Assam assembly are being held in three-phases with 79.97 percent of the electorate exercising their franchise in 47 constituencies in the first phase on 27 March. The third and final phase elections will be held on 6 April for 40 seats.

The counting of votes will be done on 2 May after elections have concluded in all four states and Union Territory of Puducherry that are due for polls.

Assam 

A total of 345 candidates, including 26 women, are in the fray in this phase, the polling for which will be held from 7 am to 6 pm amid heavy security and strict COVID-19 guidelines. The ruling BJP is contesting 34 seats, while its allies Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and United People's Party Liberal (UPPL) are fighting in six and three seats, respectively.

There are "friendly contests" between the BJP and the AGP in Patharkandi and Algapur, while the BJP is engaged in similar fights with the UPPL in Majbat and Kalaigaon.

The Grand Alliance's Congress is contesting in 28 seats, the AIUDF in seven and Bodoland Peoples' Front (BPF) in four. The newly-formed Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) is contesting in 19 seats. There is a direct contest between the NDA and the Grand Alliance in 25 constituencies, while the rest are witnessing triangular fights.

BJP minister Parimal Suklabaidya is in a direct contest with Congress's Kamakhya Prasad Mala in Dholai, while Deputy Speaker Aminul Haque Laskar of the BJP is in a straight contest with AIUDF's Karim Uddin Barbhuiyan in Sonai. Minister Pijush Hazarika is locked in a triangular contest with Congress's Swapan Kumar Mandal and AJP's Bubul Das from Jagiroad (SC), and his cabinet colleague Bhabesh Kalita is in a direct fight with AJP's Babul Saharia in the Rangiya constituency.

Rajya Sabha MP Biswajit Daimary is fighting against BPF's Karuna Kanta Swargiary in Paneri, while AIUDF's Sirajuddin Ajmal, a former MP and MLA, is fighting the elections against AGP's Sadikullah Bhuyan from Jamunamukh.

Former Congress minister Gautam Roy, contesting on a BJP ticket from Katigora, is in a direct fight with his ex-party colleague Khalliluddin Mazumdar. Gautam's son Rahul Roy, contesting as an Independent, is in a triangular contest with former Congress minister Ajit Singh and sitting BJP MLA Mihir Kanti Shome from Udharbond. Gautam Roy's daughter-in-law Daisy Roy is also contesting as an Independent from Algapur where the AGP's Aftabuddin Laskar and BJP's Moon Swarnakar, in a 'friendly contest', will battle against sitting AIUDF MLA Nijamuddin Choudhury.

In Silchar, sitting BJP MLA Dilip Paul, now expelled from the party, is contesting as an Independent and is locked in a contest with BJP's Dipayan Chakraborty and Congress's Tamal Kanti Banik. Another BJP minister, Sum Ronghang, on being denied ticket joined the Congress and is locked in a direct fight against BJP's Bidya Sing Engleng in Diphu.

The elections will be held amid tight security with 310 companies of forces being deployed for the second phase, an official said. Round-the-clock patrolling is being carried out along with strict vigil in critical areas in all the constituencies spread over 13 districts in Barak Valley, the Hills districts and parts of Central and Lower Assam.

A total of 73,44,631 voters will be deciding the fate of 345 candidates. Of these, 37,34,537 are male and 36,09,959 female, while 135 are third gender voters. Total 10,592 polling stations have been set up in 5,774 premises. There are 556 polling stations where only women officials will be deployed, while there are 117 model polling stations.

The webcasting facility will be available at 5,315 polling stations. Total 42,368 polling personnel have been deployed for the second phase. Of them, 1,516 left for their destinations on Tuesday itself to reach polling stations set up in remote locations, especially in the three hill districts of Dima Hasao, Karbi Anglong and West Karbi Anglong, official sources said.

Postal ballots have been issued to 21,281 people over 80 years old, and 5,407 Persons with Disabilities (PwD). Total 17,164 voters have been issued those through the Electronically Transmitted Postal Ballot System (ETPBS).

Bengal

Polling will be held in 30 seats in the second of the eight-phase West Bengal assembly election on Thursday.

The Election Commision has declared as sensitive all the 10,620 polling booths in 30 constituencies spread over four districts where polls will be held on Thursday.

It has deployed around 651 companies of central force to provide security, besides state police personnel at strategic locations during the polling, which will begin at 7 am.

More than 75 lakh voters will decide the fate of 191 candidates in the 30 seats spread across four districts of Purba and Paschim Medinipur, South 24 Parganas and Bankura.

A total 199 companies of Central Armed Police Force will be deployed in Purba Medinipur, 210 companies in Paschim Medinipur, 170 in South 24 Parganas and 72 in Bankura, the sources said.

TMC and BJP are contesting in all the 30 seats, while CPM is in the fray in 15 and its alliance partners in the Sanjukta Morcha the Congress and ISF are competing in 13 and two seats respectively.

Polling will take place amid strict COVID-19 guidelines in nine seats of Paschim Medinipur, eight in Bankura, four seats in South 24 Parganas and nine seats in Purba Medinipur - the home ground Suvendu Adhikari. Nandigram falls within the Purba Medinipur district.

Of the 30 seats which will see voting on Thursday, 23 were won by TMC in the 2016 Assembly elections, five by Left Front and Congress and BJP one each. The political equation in the state had changed in 2019 when BJP made massive inroads in the tribal-dominated Janga Mahal region and Medinipur belt by sweeping all the five Lok Sabha seats. The TMC, however, has been able to maintain its dominance in South 24 Parganas district, where there is sizeable minority population.

In the phase 2 polls, Nandigram is hands-down the most keenly watched contest which  has turned  into a battleground of titans with Banerjee suddenly deciding to switch from her Bhowanipur seat in Kolkata to the constituency which is held by Adhikari.

In the high stake poll battle this time a victory is a must for Banerjee, who is running for the third successive term as chief minister, so that she can lead the government and keep together her party, which is faced with exodus. For Adhikari it is a battle for political survival as a defeat would be a devastating blow and might also put a question mark on his political graph in his new party the BJP. For the Congress-Left-ISF alliance candidate Minakshi Mukherjee, the challenge is to regain her party's lost ground.

Another notable seat going to the poll in the second phase is Sabang, where TMC has fielded its Rajya Sabha MP Manas Bhunia. He is up against TMC turncoat and BJP leader Amulya Maity. Bhunia, a former state Congress president, had won the seat from 1982 till 2016 as Congress nominee before switching over to the TMC in September 2016.

TMC has fielded actor Sayantika Banerjee, a popular face in the Bengali silver screen, from Bankura seat against BJP's Niladri Sekhar Dana. The Sanjukta Morcha has fielded Congress candidate Radharani Banerjee.

In the Debra seat, two former IPS officers will cross swords. One is BJP candidate Bharati Ghosh and the other is Humayun Kabir of the TMC. Both had resigned from their senior police posts to join active politics.

With inputs from PTI

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Assam Assembly Election 2021: In Barak Valley, Congress battles religious fault lines; local factors bother BJP

Editor's note: Election in the Bengali-dominated Barak Valley of south Assam is both intense and unpredictable this time. This two-part series examines the battle lines drawn around more local calculations that are often different from the state and national situation. This is the second and last part of the series.

***

The Congress-led opposition alliance and ruling BJP-led alliance are locked in a complex rubric of localised politics for the 15 Assembly seats of the Barak Valley. The pattern of the contest and electoral battle-lines are drawn quite differently in the three districts, having certain common threads of similarity as well. The similarity emanates from the common history, common geography and demography of the three districts which are very different from the other districts of Assam.

Barak Valley holds 15 seats in the 126-strong Assam Assembly. The district of Cachar contributes seven of these MLA, followed by Karimganj, represented by five with only the remaining three coming from Hilakandi.

Little more than half of the approximately 40 lakh plus people of Barak Valley are Hindu by religion while around 48 percent are Muslim. Linguistically Bengali is the mother tongue for majority of the Hindus and almost all Muslims. A considerable number of the Hindu families have come from erstwhile East Pakistan before and after 1947.

Electoral polarisation along the religion has become a larger than life phenomenon here, particularly during the last decade. Illegal migration of Bangladeshis has never been an important issue here. However, the thought of a Muslim becoming chief minister of Assam is not a pleasant idea to a larger section of Hindu people. On the other hand, that has become a catchy sublime ambition to play for electoral consolidation for AIUDF led by Badruddin Ajmal.

Even in this election, the main plank of the campaign of BJP has been, “if you want Ajmal as chief minister of Assam, then vote for Congress”.

In 2011, Congress had won 13 out of 15 seats of Barak Valley leaving out only one seat each to AIUDF and AGP.

Riding on a Modi wave and anti-incumbency against the then state government led by Tarun Gogoi, in 2016 BJP won in eight seats, reducing Congress to only three. The AIUDF tally increased to four.

One Congress MLA, namely Rajdeep Goala defected to BJP in 2020. This is an important dynamics as his family had a traditional support base in his constituency Lakhipur, which earlier elected his father Dinesh Goala seven times in a row since 1983.

Silchar, the headquarters of Barak Valley used to be a traditional stronghold of the Deb family, with the Silchar parliamentary constituency repeatedly represented by the late Congress leader and former Union minister Santosh Mohan Deb. His daughter Susmita Deb had also represented Silchar in the Lok Sabha for one term.

However, this stronghold of the Deb family is also unpredictable at times with such history of CPM leader Nurul Huda and former Union Minister of BJP Kabindra Purkayastha winning from the seat. Presently the Silchar parliamentary constituency is represented by Dr Rajdeep Roy, who is the most prominent BJP leader of Barak Valley right now. He is also the general secretary of the BJP State Executive Committee as well as a member of the core committee overseeing the distribution of BJP tickets.

This ongoing election is to a great extent a battle between BJP led by Dr Rajdeep Roy and Congress led by Susmita Deb, who is also the president of All India Mahila Congress as far as the Barak Valley is concerned.

There is a strong undercurrent of contradictory sentiment regarding the Citizenship Amendment Act, among the two major religious communities of the Barak valley. In order to understand this one has to remember the geo-political history of Barak Valley, which was briefly discussed in the first part of this series.

This region is the most peaceful area of the North East. Indira Gandhi once described it as the island of peace. Simultaneously, being the confluence of a maximum number of boundaries it is also one of the most sensitive areas of the North East. Four other states are located on three sides of the valley with one other international border apart from another international border (that with Myanmar) just 200 kilometres away.

On the east side of Barak Valley, it is Manipur. On the south, Mizoram and Tripura. A larger part of the western side is the international border with Bangladesh with a small state border with Meghalaya. Only the northern side of Barak Valley maintains geographical contiguity with the rest of the state of Assam albeit only theoretically. That contiguity is rendered completely impossible as a link as the Barail Range of mountain linking south-western projection of the Himalayas in the Nagaland and Manipur with Meghalaya stands just there. As a result, this northern side of the valley is a completely porous area.

Barak Valley is accessible both by railway as well as roadways only through Meghalaya even from its own ‘state capital’ Guwahati. A much talked about Assam–Assam link for Barak has remained almost a non-starter for such other practical reasons as a sanctuary and land erosion.

This peculiar geographical location could have been very advantageous to Barak Valley for trade and commerce. It had a positional advantage to grow as a potential gateway to three North-East states (Manipur, Mizoram and Tripura). Only for political mismanagement, Barak Valley could not reap the full benefit of this advantage.

The minority community votes were earlier consolidated in favour of INC. With the rise of AIUDF during the last two Assembly elections, Congress no more enjoy their support. The alliance this time has made it possible for consolidation of these votes against BJP. As a result, AIUDF is very sure to win all three seats of the Hilakandi district.

The Congress is trying hard to out-manoeuvre this polarisation of the voters in Barak Valley along religious lines. Entangled in various local factors, BJP is facing difficulty in some of the seats it had won in the previous election.

Karimganj district is divided into five Assembly constituencies. Ratabari among the five is the most secure seat for BJP in the entire Barak Valley. In 2016, BJP polled 48.08 percent, with Congress and AIUDF trailing with 26.23 percent and 21.31 percent.

AIUDF is in an advantageous position at Badarpur, the railway township with a strong minority population. Karimganj, the district headquarters falls under North Karimganj constituency. This LAC was held by Kamalakhya Dey Purkayastha, two-times MLA of INC. Apparently, he is sure of his reelection. But this time he is facing a stiff challenge from Dr Manas Das of BJP and Sahabul Islam of RD. In case the RD candidate can cause a big swing in his favour from the traditional Congress vote bank, the results of Karimganj North can go in favour of any of the three. There is an undercurrent against Dey Purkayastha among the minority voters about his alleged support to CAA.

Patharkandi seat is being held by BJP and the present MLA Krishnendu Pal is seeking reelection. Sachin Sahoo of Congress is the dark horse candidate there who may win this time unseating him if the AIUDF support to Congress is really transferred to the EVM machines. Last time the pattern was BJP 37.93 percent, Congress 32.04 percent, and AIUDF 30.38 percent of the votes polled. This time, it would be advantage Congress in Patharkandi.

Karimganj South is having a peculiar contest with the seating AIUDF MLA contesting as AGP candidate against the INC strongman Siddique Ahmed. Like Patharkandi, here also the results depend on AIUDF actually transferring their votes in favour of Congress, in which case it would be a similar cakewalk for INC. Otherwise, the BJP-AGP combine will win this seat. In 2016, BJP got 9.23 percent, Congress got 41.76 percent while AIUDF won the seat with 45.2 percent of the votes.

Cachar alone yields seven MLAs among the total kitty of 15 for the entire Barak Valley. No party is very sure of winning any seat in Cachar. BJP is facing rebel candidates in a couple of seats including Silchar. Independent candidates against the official BJP candidates are enjoying the support of party workers in at least one more seat.

In Dholai (SC), Parmal Shuklabaidya, Minister for Forest, Fisheries and Excise is facing a stiff challenge from Kamakhya Prasad Mala of INC. AGP has fielded a candidate here for a friendly contest.

In Lakhipur, BJP district president Kaushik Rai is contesting INC candidate Mukesh Pandey, with an AGP candidate in a friendly contest. In case the AGP friend can take away a big chunk of the traditional vote bank of INC, then only Kaushik can win the seat.

In Sonai, the present Deputy Speaker Aminul Haque Laskar is contesting against Karimuddin Barbhuiya of INC. His fight has also become very difficult for the alliance of INC and AIUDF which is expected to have some impact in this constituency. A former BJP worker Asish Haldar has made his future even bleaker.

Results of Silchar, Lakhipur and Kathigora –- these three seats are difficult to predict this time. Former Congress minister of state Gautam Roy is contesting from Kathigora as BJP candidate. His son Rahul Roy is contesting from Udharbond as an Independent candidate against the sitting BJP MLA Mihir Kanti Shome.

In Kathigora, BJP, INC and AIUDF got 44 percent, 12 percent, and 37 percent votes in 2016. With a proper consolidation of alliance votes, the result apparently goes against the BJP candidate, even without any anti-incumbency factor. But the veteran former INC leader who is contesting as the BJP candidate this time is known to be extremely resourceful and expert for toppling such electoral arithmetic.

The precarious situation of Barak Valley has prompted Assam chief minister Sarnananda Sonowal to address six public meetings on the last day of the campaign.

To summarise, the most possible scenario is BJP may have to be satisfied with only one-third of Barak Valley seats with an equal number going to Congress and AIUDF. Even in the best possible scenario, BJP will not get more than seven seats, in which case it would be two less than their present tally. In any case, the opposition is going to win more than half of the seats of Barak Valley which is going to be an advantage for the grand alliance led by Congress.

The author is the former head of news in Doordarshan Agartala, Akashvani Itanagar and Kohima, presently is a teacher at Assam University, Silchar.

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Assam election 2021 LIVE Updates: Voting in 39 seats in phase 2 begins; 73.4 lakh electors to cast vote

07:13 (IST)

Assam election 2021 LATEST Updates

Elections being held amid tight security

The elections will be held amid tight security with 310 companies of forces being deployed for the second phase, an official said.

Round-the-clock patrolling is being carried out along with strict vigil in critical areas in all the constituencies spread over 13 districts in Barak Valley, the Hills districts and parts of Central and Lower Assam. A constable and a home guard will be deployed in each polling station with sector and zonal police officers to monitor the situation.

The Election Commission has decided to use Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) along with Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) at every Polling Station, with a view to enhancing the transparency and credibility of the election process.

07:12 (IST)

Assam election 2021 LATEST Updates

NDA, Grand Alliance in direct contest in 25 seats

The ruling BJP is contesting 34 seats, while its allies Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and United People's Party Liberal (UPPL) are fighting in six and three seats, respectively.

There are "friendly contests" between the BJP and the AGP in Patharkandi and Algapur, while the BJP is engaged in similar fights with the UPPL in Majbat and Kalaigaon.

The Grand Alliance's Congress is contesting in 28 seats, the AIUDF in seven and Bodoland Peoples' Front (BPF) in four. The newly-formed Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) is contesting in 19 seats.

There is a direct contest between the NDA and the Grand Alliance in 25 constituencies, while the rest are witnessing triangular fights.

06:27 (IST)

Assam election 2021 LATEST Updates

Over 73.4 lakh electors to cast vote in phase 2

The second phase of polling will see a total of 73,44,631 voters exercising their franchise. Of them, 37,34,537 are males and 36,09,959females, while 135 are third gender voters. A total of 10,592 polling stations have been set up in 5,774 premises.

There are 556 polling stations where only women officials will be deployed, while there are 117 model polling stations. The webcasting facility will be available at 5,315 polling stations.

06:26 (IST)

Assam election 2021 LATEST Updates

High-profile candidates in fray include Aminul Haque Laskar

Some of the high-profile candidates in the fray include BJP minister Parimal Suklabaidya, Deputy Speaker Aminul Haque Laskar, expelled BJP MLA Dilip Paul AIUDF chief Badruddin Ajmal's brother Sirajuddin Ajmal, among others.

In all, 345 candidates, including 26 women, are in the fray in this phase, the polling for which will be held from 7 am to 6 pm amid heavy security and strict COVID-19 guidelines, officials said.

06:24 (IST)

Assam election 2021 LATEST Updates

Polling for 39 seats in phase 2 to begin at 7 am today

The fate of 345 candidates, including top ministers and Opposition faces, will be sealed today (Thursday, 1 April ) as 39 seats go to the polls in the second phase of the Assam Assembly election.

Assam election 2021 LATEST Updates | The fate of 345 candidates, including top ministers and Opposition faces, will be sealed today (Thursday, 1 April ) as 39 seats go to the polls in the second phase of the Assam Assembly election.

Some of the high-profile candidates in the fray include BJP minister Parimal Suklabaidya, Deputy Speaker Aminul Haque Laskar, expelled BJP MLA Dilip Paul AIUDF chief Badruddin Ajmal's brother Sirajuddin Ajmal, among others.

In all, 345 candidates, including 26 women, are in the fray in this phase, the polling for which will be held from 7 am to 6 pm amid heavy security and strict COVID-19 guidelines, officials said.

The ruling BJP is contesting 34 seats, while its allies Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and United People's Party Liberal (UPPL) are fighting in six and three seats, respectively.

There are "friendly contests" between the BJP and the AGP in Patharkandi and Algapur, while the BJP is engaged in similar fights with the UPPL in Majbat and Kalaigaon.

The Mahajoth or Grand Alliance's Congress is contesting in 28 seats, the AIUDF in seven and Bodoland Peoples' Front (BPF) in four.

The newly-formed Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) is contesting in 19 seats. There is a direct contest between the NDA and the Grand Alliance in 25 constituencies, while the rest are witnessing triangular fights.

The second phase of polling will see a total of 73,44,631 voters exercising their franchise. Of them, 37,34,537 are males and 36,09,959females, while 135 are third gender voters. A total of 10,592 polling stations have been set up in 5,774 premises.

There are 556 polling stations where only women officials will be deployed, while there are 117 model polling stations. The webcasting facility will be available at 5,315 polling stations.

"We are fully prepared for it. Dispatch of polling and police officials began from yesterday," Chief Electoral Officer of Assam Nitin Khade said on preparations for the second phase of polling.

Total 42,368 polling personnel have been deployed for the second phase. Of them, 1,516 left for their destinations on Tuesday itself to reach polling stations set up in remote locations, especially in the three hill districts of DimaHasao, Karbi Anglong and West Karbi Anglong, official sources said.

Sanitisers, thermal scanners, soaps and handwashing facilities will be available at all polling stations, they said.

Hojai constituency has the highest of 2,65,886 voters, while Howraghat (ST) constituency has the lowest of 1,32,339 voters. Postal ballots have been issued to 21,281 people over 80 years old, and 5,407 Persons with Disabilities (PwD). Total 17,164 voters have been issued those through the Electronically Transmitted Postal Ballot System (ETPBS).

The second phase polling will also involve 26 general observers, 12 police observers, 16 expenditure observers and 807 micro-observers. Elections to the 126-member Assam assembly are being held in three-phases with 79.97 percent of the electorate exercising their franchise in 47 constituencies in the first phase on 27 March.

The third and final phase elections will be held on April 6 for 40 seats.

Items worth Rs 110 crore seized, 2,696 MCC violations reported

On Wednesday, Khade said that agencies have confiscated items worth over Rs 110 crore in Assam, breaking all previous records in seizures of cash, liquor, drug and other goods after the Assembly polls were notified in the state.

"Till now, seizures of drugs and narcotics worth Rs 34.29 crore, over 16.61 lakh litres of liquor worth Rs 33.44 crore, cash amounting to Rs 24.50 crore along with gold, silver jewellery and gold bars worth Rs 3.68 crore have been made," Khade said.

During the 2016 state polls, central and state agencies had seized goods worth less than Rs 20 crore.

Freebies and other items like cigarettes of foreign origin, poppy seeds, black pepper, areca nuts, pan masala worth Rs 14.91 crore have also been confiscated, Khade said.

"So far, 50 FIRs have been registered across the state related to expenditure violation and 5,234 FIRs lodged in connection with violation of excise rules," the CEO said.

However, he did not share the number of persons who were detained and arrested in connection with the FIRs.

Khade also said that a total of 2,696 cases have been registered. "Out of these, 1,272 cases have been registered online through cVigil app of which 908 cases have been found to be correct," he said.

Key candidates, constituencies in fray

BJP minister Parimal Suklabaidya is in a direct contest with Congress' Kamakhya Prasad Mala in Dholai, while Deputy Speaker Aminul Haque Laskar of the BJP is in a straight contest with AIUDF's Karim Uddin Barbhuiyan in Sonai. Minister Pijush Hazarika is locked in a triangular contest with Congress's Swapan Kumar Mandal and AJP's BubulDas from Jagiroad (SC), and his cabinet colleague BhabeshKalita is in a direct fight with AJP's Babul Saharia in the Rangiya constituency.

Rajya Sabha MP Biswajit Daimary is fighting against BPF's Karuna Kanta Swargiary in Paneri, while AIUDF's Sirajuddin Ajmal, a former MP and MLA, is fighting the elections against AGP's Sadikullah Bhuyan from Jamunamukh.

Former Congress minister Gautam Roy, contesting on a BJP ticket from Katigora, is in a direct fight with his ex-party colleague Khalliluddin Mazumdar. Gautam's son Rahul Roy, contesting as an Independent, is in a triangular contest with former Congress minister Ajit Singh and sitting BJP MLA MihirKanti Shome from Udharbond.

Gautam Roy's daughter-in-law Daisy Roy is also contesting as an Independent from Algapur where the AGP'sAftabuddin Laskar and BJP's Moon Swarnakar, in a 'friendly contest', will battle against sitting AIUDF MLA NijamuddinChoudhury. In Silchar, sitting BJP MLA Dilip Paul, now expelled from the party, is contesting as an Independent and is locked in a contest with BJP's Dipayan Chakraborty and Congress'sTamal Kanti Banik.

Another BJP minister, Sum Ronghang, on being denied ticket joined the Congress and is locked in a direct fight against BJP's Bidya Sing Engleng in Diphu. Total 175 candidates are fighting the phase two elections from 15 seats in the three districts of Karimganj, Hailakandi and Cachar. Algapur has the highest 19 candidates.

There are only two candidates in the Udalguri (ST)constituency where BPF minister Rihon Daimary is engaged in a direct contest with UPPL's Gobinda Chandra Basumatary, who is currently the deputy chief of the Bodoland Territorial Council(BTC). The elections will be held amid tight security with310 companies of forces being deployed for the second phase, an official said.

Round-the-clock patrolling is being carried out along with strict vigil in critical areas in all the constituencies spread over 13 districts in Barak Valley, the Hills districts and parts of Central and Lower Assam. A constable and a home guard will be deployed in each polling station with sector and zonal police officers to monitor the situation.

With inputs from PTI

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West Bengal election 2021 LIVE Updates: Polling in phase 2 to cover 30 seats across four districts; 170 candidates in fray

07:03 (IST)

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates

All polling booths in phase 2 declared sensitive

The Election Commission has deployed around 651 companies of central forces to provide security in all the polling stations where polling will be held this phase of the Bengal election. The EC has declared all the 10,620 polling stations as sensitive, officials told PTI.

Besides the CAPF, the state police will also be deployed at strategic locations during the polling which will begin at 7 am, they said.

A total of 199 companies of the Central Armed Police Force will be deployed in Purba Medinipur, 210 companies in Paschim Medinipur, 170 in South 24 Parganas and 72 in Bankura, sources said.

06:14 (IST)

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates

All eyes on Mamata vs Suvendu in Nandigram

The Assembly constituency of Nandigram will also go to the polls in the second phase where Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is contesting against Suvendu Adhikari, who left TMC and joined the BJP in December last year.

Besides Mamata and Suvendu, Left front candidate Minakshi Mukherjee is also trying her luck from Nandigram. The Left has won this seat eight times, and while TMC won three times.

06:11 (IST)

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates

Over 170 candidates in fray, 11% women 

Of the total 171 candidates in second phase of Bengal polls, only 19 (11 percent) are women while 152 candidates are men. TMC and BJP are contesting in all the 30 seats, while CPM is in the fray in 15 and its alliance partners of United Front or Sanjukta Morcha the Congress and ISF are competing in 13 and two seats, respectively.

06:08 (IST)

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates

Polling in phase 2 to cover 30 seats across four districts

West Bengal is all set to go for voting on Thursday (1 April) in the second phase of Assembly elections. In phase two, 30 constituencies are up for grab with 171 candidates in the fray.

Voting will take place across four districts — Purba Medinipur, Paschim Medinipur, Bankura and South 24 Parganas.

West Bengal Election 2021 LATEST Updates: West Bengal is all set to go for voting on Thursday (1 April) in the second phase of Assembly elections. In phase two, 30 constituencies are up for grab with 171 candidates in the fray.

Voting will take place across four districts — Purba Medinipur, Paschim Medinipur, Bankura and South 24 Parganas.

Of the total 171 candidates, only 19 (11 percent) are women while 152 candidates are men. TMC and BJP are contesting in all the 30 seats, while CPM is in the fray in 15 and its alliance partners of United Front or Sanjukta Morcha the Congress and ISF are competing in 13 and two seats, respectively.

According to the Election Commission, a total of 75,94,549 electors will exercise their franchise in the second phase of polling in 10,620 polling stations spread across the 30 constituencies.

All 10,620 booths where polling will be held this phase have been declared as sensitive by the Election Commission, which has deployed around 651 companies of central forces to provide security, officials said.

Besides, the state police will also be deployed at strategic locations during the polling which will begin at 7 am, they said. A total 199 companies of the Central Armed Police Force will be deployed in Purba Medinipur, 210 companies in Paschim Medinipur, 170 in South 24 Parganas and 72 in Bankura, the sources said.

The Assembly constituency of Nandigram will also go to the polls in the second phase where Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is contesting against Suvendu Adhikari, who left TMC and joined the BJP in December last year.

Besides Mamata and Suvendu, Left front candidate Minakshi Mukherjee is also trying her luck from Nandigram. The Left has won this seat eight times, and while TMC won three times.

List of constituencies that will go to polls in phase 2:

The 30 Assembly seats voting on Thursday are — Gosaba (SC), Patharpratima, Kakdwip, Sagar, Tamluk, Panskura Purba, Panskura Paschim, Moyna, Nandakumar, Mahisadal, Haldia (SC), Nandigram, Chandipur, Kharagpur Sadar, Narayangarh, Sabang, Pingla, Debra, Daspur, Ghatal (SC), Chandrakona (SC), Keshpur (SC), Taldangra, Bankura, Barjora, Onda, Bishnupur, Katulpur (SC), Indas and Sonamukhi.

Key candidates and seats

Polling will take place amid strict COVID-19 guidelines in nine seats of Paschim Medinipur, eight in Bankura, four seats in South 24 Parganas and nine in Purba Medinipur - the home ground of TMC turncoat and BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari. Nandigram falls in Purba Medinipur district.

The agrarian constituency which shook the foundations of the mighty Left regime over the anti-land acquisition movement in 2007, has now turned into a battleground of titans with Banerjee suddenly deciding to switch from her Bhowanipur seat to the constituency held by Adhikari, her former lieutenant who has switched loyalty to the BJP.

For Adhikari it is a battle for political survival as a defeat would be a devastating blow and might also put a question mark on his political graph in his new party the BJP. Similarly, a victory would not only establish him as one of the tallest leaders in Bengal but would also push him few miles ahead of others in the Chief Ministerial race in case the BJP is voted to power.

For Banerjee, who is running for the third successive term as chief minister, a victory is a must to lead the government and keep together her party, which is faced with exodus.

For the Congress-Left-ISF alliance candidate Minakshi Mukherjee of CPI-M, the challenge is to regain her party's lost ground.

Another prominent seat going to the poll in the second phase is Sabang, where TMC has fielded its Rajya Sabha MP Manas Bhunia. He is up against TMC turncoat and BJP leader Amulya Maity.

Bhunia, a former state Congress president, had held the seat from 1982 to 016 as Congress nominee before switching over to the TMC in September 2016.

TMC has fielded actor Sayantika Banerjee, a popular face on the Bengali silver screen, from Bankura seat against BJP's Niladri Sekhar Dana. The Sanjukta Morcha has fielded Congress candidate Radharani Banerjee.

In Debra seat, two former IPS officers will cross swords. One is BJP candidate Bharati Ghosh who is contesting against TMC's Humayun Kabir. Both had resigned from their senior police posts to join active politics.

TMCs's daughter vs BJP's Sonar Bangla

Campaigning for the second phase of the West Bengal assembly poll had ended on Tuesday evening with the final day seeing a hectic canvassing for the Nandigram seat in the Purba Medinipur district.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah held roadshows with Bengal's megastar Mithun Chakraborty in support of Adhikari in Nandigram during the day, while Banerjee, who is confined to a wheelchair following her injury which she had sustained while campaigning in the constituency, crisscrossed it addressing rallies at several venues.

IOn the last day of campaigning, the feisty politician held two back-to-back rallies in Paschim Medinipur despite the early summer heat urging people to vote for TMC so that the development work taken up there by the government continued.

TMC MP Abhishek Banerjee toured the rest asserting that TMC will not let Bengal to be ruled from Delhi or Gujarat in an apparent reference to the battery of central BJP leaders and ministers camping in the state.

"Bangla wants her own daughter (Mamata). So vote for her," Abhishek urged in his meetings.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Shah and BJP national president JP Nadda had led BJP's campaign from the front addressing rallies at Kanthi and Nandigram and urging the electorate to vote for the saffron party to usher in 'ashol poriborton' (actual change) to build 'Sonar Bangla'(prosperous Bengal).

Modi in his rallies had attacked the TMC government and Banerjee, accusing her of "appeasement politics" and asserting that "khela shesh hobe" (game will be over). Other star campaigners of the BJP stressed on scams allegedly involving the ruling Trinamool Congress — from the Saradha and Narada tape scam to the recent allegations over the siphoning of funds for Amphan relief and the COVID-19 pandemic.

They highlighted the achievements of the BJP-led government at the Centre in their rallies and blamed the TMC government for not allowing schemes like the Ayushman Bharat, PM Kisan Samman Nidhi to be implemented in the state, where the BJP leaders claimed corruption and anarchy are prevalent.

Documents to carry for identification at polling stations:

Here is a list of documents voters can carry for identification at polling stations. Carry any of these mentioned identity proofs while voting.

1) Voter ID card
2) PAN Card
3) Driving License
4) Indian Passport
5) MNREGA Job Card
6) Bank/Post Office Passbooks with photograph
7) Pension document with photograph
8)Service Identity Cards with photograph issued by Central/State Govt/PSUs/Public Limited Companies

With inputs from PTI

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Taxi services at Bengaluru airport hit after cabbies go on strike to protest death of driver who set self ablaze

Bengaluru: Taxi services to the city's Kempegowda International Airport (KIA) was disrupted on Wednesday as they stayed off the road, after an airport cab driver who allegedly set himself ablaze, died last night.

Pratap, 34, from Ramanagara, working with the Karnataka State Tourism Development Corporation's airport taxi service, had allegedly set himself ablaze inside his car near the pick-up area of the airport on Tuesday, depressed over his financial troubles, police sources said, adding that they were trying to ascertain the exact cause.

Aircraft rescue and fire-fighting team had rescued him and he was rushed to hospital but succumbed to injuries at midnight, they said.

According to airport taxi drivers, Pratap took the extreme step due to poor financial condition, poor business and inability to pay EMIs.

They said most taxi drivers including those linked to Ola, Uber, KSDTC and other airport taxi services have stayed off the roads as a mark of protest following his death, as many of them are going through similar financial problems.

KIA in a passenger advisory said taxi services at the airport have been impacted and passengers are requested to use the Bangalore Metropolitan Transport Corporation (BMTC) buses to travel to or from the airport or make their own travel arrangements.

 

BMTC has deployed additional buses on the airport route to help passengers, official sources said.

Alleging that price war in the cab industry and government's apathy has led to Pratap's death, former Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy in a series of tweets said KSDTC was following taxi fare of Rs 24 per km fixed by the state government.

Taxi aggregators, however, were offering fares of Rs 9 per km to attract passengers, resulting in a business loss for KSDTC drivers, he added.

He urged the state government to intervene and come to the rescue of the taxi drivers.

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Farm laws: Supreme Court-appointed committee submits report in sealed cover

New Delhi:The Supreme Court-appointed committee to study the three new controversial agricultural laws has submitted its report to the apex court on 19 March in a sealed cover, one of its members said on Wednesday.

Farmers have been protesting seeking repeal of the three contentious farm laws on the borders of New Delhi for the past five months now. The Supreme Court had on 11 January stayed the implementation of the three laws till further orders and appointed a four-member panel to resolve the impasse.

The committee was given two months to study the laws and consult all stakeholders.

"We submitted the report on 19 March in a sealed cover. Now, the court will decide the future course of action," one of the members of the committee PK Mishra told PTI.

As per the committee's official website, the panel held total of 12 rounds of consultations with various stakeholders, including farmers groups, farmer-producer organisations (FPOs) procurement agencies, professionals, academicians, private as well as state agriculture marketing boards.

The panel also held nine internal meetings before finalising the report.

Apart from Mishra, Shetkari Sanghatana President Anil Ghanwat and agri-economist and former chairman of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) Ashok Gulati are other members of the panel.

The fourth member, Bhartiya Kisan Union President Bhupinder Singh Mann, had, however, recused himself from the committee before the work began.

Separately, while briefing Cabinet decisions, Food Minister Piyush Goyal said that while the new farm laws have been brought in the interest of farmers, it is a different issue "some people have misled farmers and tried to create a negative atmosphere".

However, farmers across the country now understand that the new farm laws do not take away the existing system of mandis, and provide more marketing options, he said.

Goyal also explained that the government's main concern when the new farm laws were passed in Parliament was how to increase farmers' income and what steps should be taken to open more avenues to ensure their income rises.

In the new farm laws, the government kept the existing option of selling farmers' produce in the APMC mandis intact and provided for other marketing options to ensure better returns to farmers besides creating jobs and attracting investment in the farm sector, he said.

While giving other marketing options, the government has carefully designed it to ensure farmers' land is protected and they do not sell their produce under compulsion for a lesser price to a trader, he added.

Goyal was one of the central ministers who was present in the last 12 rounds of meetings held with protesting farmers' unions to end the impasse. In its last meeting on 22 January, the government had offered to suspend the laws for 18 months which the protesting farmers have rejected.

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RBI Grade B Result 2021: Phase I marksheets and cut-off released; check details at rbi.org.in

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has released the scorecard and cut-off marks for the RBI Grade B Phase 1 exam today (Wednesday, 31 March).

Candidates can check the results by visiting the official website of the central bank: rbi.org.in.

Candidates can use their roll number, date of birth, and verification code to check and download the mark sheet.

Candidates can follow these steps to check results:

Step 1: Visit the official website, rbi.org.in.

Step 2: On the home page, click on the 'Opportunities' section.

Step 3: A new page will open. Click on 'Current vacancies' at the top of the page.

Step 4: You'll be redirected to a new page. Click on 'Results'.

Step 5: Then, click on the link related to RBI Grade B Phase 1 mark sheets, cut-off marks.

Step 6: Enter the required details - roll number, date of birth and verification code.

Step 7: Download and print the scorecard. Keep it for future reference.

Click here for the direct link.

The cut-off mark is 66.75.

Take a look at the category-wise cut-off marks for the general category below:

General Awareness - 16

Reasoning - 12

English language - 6

Quantitative Aptitude – 6

The exam was conducted on 6 March in online mode. The question paper was divided into four sections - general awareness, quantitative aptitude, reasoning section, and English language.

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Ishrat Jahan encounter case: Special CBI court discharges GL Singhal, two other cops

Ahmedabad: A special CBI court in Ahmedabad on Wednesday discharged police officers GL Singhal, Tarun Barot and Anaju Chaudhary in the 2004 Ishrat Jahan alleged fake encounter case.

Special CBI judge V R Raval allowed the discharge applications of Singhal, Barot (now retired) and Chaudhary.

"The CBI has not mentioned anything specifically against the sanction order (in which the Gujarat government declined sanction to prosecute the three accused) which also leads to believe the act of applicants/accused was in discharge of official duties," the court observed.

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on 20 March conveyed to the court that the state government had declined sanction for prosecution of the three accused.

The court in its October 2020 order observed that they had "acted in their official duties," so the probe agency was required to obtain sanction for prosecution.

Under section 197 of the Criminal Procedure Code, the sanction is required for prosecuting government servants for anything done in the discharge of official duty.

Ishrat Jahan, a 19-year-old woman from Mumbra near Mumbai, was killed along with Javed Shaikh alias Pranesh Pillai, Amjadali Akbarali Rana and Zeeshan Johar by Gujarat police in an 'encounter' near Ahmedabad on 15 June, 2004.

The police claimed the four were terrorists who were planning to assassinate the then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi.

However, a high court-appointed Special Investigation Team concluded that the encounter was fake, after which the CBI registered a case against various police officials.

Inspector-General of Police Singhal, retired police officers Barot and JG Parmar, and Chaudhary had filed applications before the court seeking dropping of proceedings for want of the requisite sanction to prosecute them.

Parmar died during the course of the hearing in the case.

On Wednesday, the judge said when this court earlier observed that the act of the accused was while discharging official duties, nobody challenged the order.

"Not only that, but the Central Government and the Government of Gujarat have also believed that the act of the applicants/accused is while discharging the duties and therefore, the government was moved for sanction and the sanction is refused also," the court observed.

There is nothing on record, even prima facie, to suggest that the victims were not terrorists and the IB inputs were not genuine, the court said in its order.

"The CBI has not mentioned anything specific against the sanction order which also leads to believe the act of applicants/accused was in discharge of official duties," it said.

The court also refused to accept the argument put forth by Special Public Prosecutor for the CBI, RC Kodekar, that the government order declining sanction to prosecute the three applicants was issued without the application of mind.

The CBI had named seven police officers — PP Pandey, DG Vanzara, NK Amin, Singhal, Barot, Parmar and Chaudhary -- as accused in its first charge sheet filed in 2013.

In 2019, the CBI court dropped proceedings against former police officers Vanzara and Amin, after the state government refused sanction to prosecute them.

Earlier, in 2018, former in-charge Director General of Police PP Pandey was discharged from the case.

The court on Wednesday discharged Singhal, Chaudhary and Barot from offences under IPC Sections 120-B (criminal conspiracy), 341, 342, 343 (all for wrongful restraint), 365 (kidnapping or abducting with intent secretly and wrongfully to confine person), 368 (wrongfully concealing or keeping in confinement, kidnapped or abducted person), 302 (murder) and 201 (causing disappearance of evidence of offence).

They were also discharged under sections 25(1)(e) and 27 of the Indian Arms Act.

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'Are you above the law?': Bombay HC slams Param Bir Singh for not filing complaint against Anil Deshmukh

Mumbai: The Bombay High Court on Wednesday asked former Mumbai police chief Param Bir Singh why he did not lodge a police complaint against Maharashtra Home Minister Anil Deshmukh if he was aware of an alleged wrongdoing being committed by the minister.

Singh recently claimed Deshmukh asked police officer Sachin Waze to collect Rs 100 crore from bars and restaurants.

The minister has denied any wrongdoing.

A division bench of Chief Justice Dipankar Datta and Justice G S Kulkarni asked Singh why he did not lodge a complaint with the police first, and said without an FIR, the HC cannot intervene or direct for an independent agency like the CBI to carry out an investigation.

"You (Singh) are a senior police officer. You are not a layman. You were duty-bound to register a complaint against any wrongdoing. Despite knowing that an offence is being committed by your boss, you (Singh) remained silent," Chief Justice Datta said.

The HC was hearing a criminal public interest litigation (PIL) filed on 25 March by Singh, seeking a CBI probe against Deshmukh.

The bench further noted that Singh cannot convert the HC into a magistrate court.

"The proper and appropriate course of action would be for you (Singh) to first lodge a complaint with police. If the police do not lodge an FIR, then you have the option of filing an application before the magistrate," the court said.

Singh's counsel Vikram Nankani said his client wanted to avoid this "chakravyuh" (labyrinth).

The HC, however, noted this was the procedure laid down in law.

"Are you saying that you are above the law?" Chief Justice Datta asked.

Nankani argued that he did not have any other option than to approach the HC, as the complaint and allegations were against the "very head of the state administration".

The court further asked Nankani if any statement, as alleged by Singh in the petition against Deshmukh that he had asked police officers to extort money, was made by the Home minister in Singh''s presence.

"Was any of these statements made by the Home Minister in Singh's presence? Otherwise this is nothing but hearsay," the court said.

The HC further said there is also no affidavit submitted by any of the police officers who were allegedly called by Deshmukh to his residence, supporting the allegations levelled by Singh.

The bench said without an FIR it cannot pass an order directing an independent agency to investigate the matter.

"Our prima facie opinion is that without an FIR, this court cannot order investigation. Your prayer seeking a direction to the CBI to investigate appears to be harsh in the absence of an FIR," Chief Justice Datta said.

The court further asked if a PIL is maintainable when the issue pertains to a service matter.

Advocate General Ashutosh Kumbhakoni, appearing for the Maharashtra government, sought dismissal of the petition with an exemplary cost and claimed the plea was filed with personal vendetta.

"The PIL is not filed in public interest, but is riddled with personal grievances and interests. The petitioner has come to this court with dirty hands and dirty mind," Kumbhakoni said.

Singh in his petition claimed Deshmukh had asked police officers, including suspended assistant police inspector Sachin Waze, to collect Rs 100 crore each month from bars and restaurants.

The PIL filed by Singh also raised the issue of alleged corruption in police transfers and postings in the state.

Singh was shifted from the post of Mumbai''s Commissioner of Police to the Home Guards department on March 17

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Good Friday 2021: Significance of day when Christians commemorate Jesus Christ's crucifixion

Christians will be observing Good Friday on 2 April. The occasion is considered to be one of the most significant days for the community. It is the day when they commemorate the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

Observed on Friday that precedes Easter Sunday, the day is also known as Holy Friday. Christians around the world observes Good Friday as a day of penance, grief and fasting.

It is a part of the Holy week that started on 29 March with Palm Sunday and will end on 5 April with Easter Monday. Easter Sunday will be celebrated on 4 April. This day marks the resurrection of Jesus after he was crucified on Friday at Calvary.

Good Friday significance

According to the biblical story, Jesus Christ was arrested by the religious leaders of his time. He was beaten and flogged. As he was sentenced to crucifixion, he was nailed to a heavy wooden cross where he died.

Although the origins make the occasion solemn, the day is called Good Friday as it is considered to be a holy time.

Good Friday rituals

Several Christians spend the day in church service and fasting. Some churches observe the day by re-enacting the final hours of Jesus' life. The community remembers the sacrifice of Jesus Christ as he was captured and killed on this day.

Good Friday 2021 in India

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic in the country, several states have issued guidelines for festivals including Good Friday. Karnataka has laid down several restrictions in place for religious gatherings before the festivals of Holi and Shab-e-Barat and will also apply it for Good Friday.

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Myanmar coup: Rising numbers of refugees, spiralling violence present major humanitarian crisis for India

With the crisis in Myanmar spiraling with each passing day, India is caught in a bind between safeguarding its own strategic interests and providing urgent relief and rehabilitation to refugees.

The Myanmar's military's ruthless crackdown after its coup has left more than 500 people dead, according to a local monitoring group, triggering international outrage.

Over the weekend, military jets hit targets in the country's eastern Kayin state, as Myanmar reeled from the deadliest day so far in the protests, AFP reported.

The crackdown is having significant repercussions in India, particularly in the northeastern states of Manipur and Mizoram.

The Manipur government had earlier issued a circular to the Deputy Commissioners of districts bordering Myanmar not to open camps to provide food and shelter to refugees fleeing the neighbouring country. However, it withdrew the circular three days later to avoid potential public anger. This uncertainty is in many ways reflective of the predicament that India finds itself in.

In Mizoram too, disagreements have cropped up between the Centre and the state government over policies to deal with refugees.

Even as a significant number of people from Myanmar have crossed over to Mizoram and Manipur, India attended a military parade in Myanmar's capital Naypyidaw on 27 March to mark Tatmadaw Day. (Tatmadaw refers to Myanmar's military). The other countries that attended the parade were China, Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Laos and Thailand, as noted by India Today.

The official Indian response to the developments in Myanmar has also been cautious, with New Delhi only saying, "We have noted the developments in Myanmar with deep concern. India has always been steadfast in its support to the process of democratic transition in Myanmar. We believe that the rule of law and the democratic process must be upheld. We are monitoring the situation closely."

Humanitarian concerns

Nevertheless, with more and more villagers seeking shelter in halls and safehouses in India, humanitarian concerns can hardly be ignored. Many of those who have fled Myanmar are police officials and army personnel who refused to take part in the crackdown. A report in The Indian Express quotes Joseph, a police officer from Myanmar, as saying he chose to defect rather than open fire on his own people. He also reportedly said that he would be executed if he went back.

Local residents in both Manipur and Mizoram have provided shelter to fleeing refugees. The Zo Reunification Organisation (ZORO) has also urged the Union home ministry to withdraw its order directing four northeastern states to guard against the influx of people from Myanmar. They have also demanded that the Centre grant refugee status to these people. Last week, Mizoram Chief Minister Zoramthanga said it was the duty of his government to provide food and shelter to the Myanmarese refugees.

Cross-border ethnic ties are also a reason why residents of Mizoram and Manipur have opposed proposals to send refugees back to the strife-torn country. Several parts of the two northeastern states have Chin communities, who share ethnic ties with community members across the border.

India and Myanmar have an agreement named the Free Movement Regime, which allows locals from both sides of the border to go to the other side for up to 16 kilometres and up to 14 days. However, as noted in an article in The Indian Express, thousands of people regularly cross the border for work and to meet relatives, often unofficially and for longer periods. On several occasions, marriages are also arranged across the border.

Apart from the people fleeing the ongoing military crackdown, India also has a considerable population of Rohingya refugees. According to Human Rights Watch, India has an estimated 40,000 Rohingya refugees, at least 16,500 of whom are registered with UNHCR.

While calls for India to take a humanitarian approach to the refugees have grown, it will not be easy for New Delhi to confront Myanmar's military. An article in Foreign Policy quotes JNU professor Shankari Sundaraman as saying that since 1993, India has been engaging the Myanmarese military "particularly in the light of insurgency issues in Northeast India.” For India, the support from the Tatmadaw has been crucial to take on insurgents whose bases were located in Myanmar's jungles.

Further, for New Delhi, antagonising the ruling regime in Myanmar runs the risk of ceding space to China to expand its influence in the country. On the other hand, as noted by Sundaraman in the article quoted above, India enjoys considerable goodwill among the people in Myanmar, which would be seriously dented if it takes a hard stance on sending back refugees.

With violence mounting in Myanmar and the numbers of refugees increasing, what is clear is that this is a crisis that New Delhi cannot afford to turn its eyes away from.

With inputs from AFP

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Former prime minister HD Deve Gowda, wife test positive for COVID-19

Bengaluru: Former Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda on Wednesday said he and his wife Chennamma have tested positive for COVID-19.

"My wife Chennamma and I have tested positive for COVID- 19. We are self-isolating along with other family members," the 87-year-old JD(S) patriarch tweeted.

"I request all those who came in contact with us over the last few days to get themselves tested. I request party workers and well-wishers not to panic," he added.

Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa has wished for the speedy recovery of the former prime minister and his wife.

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The real business of politics: Parties are united by one ideology — maximising profit, maintaining systems of power

Joining the Dots is a fortnightly column by author and journalist Samrat in which he connects events to ideas, often through analysis, but occasionally through satire.

***

Shortly after his recent re-entry into active politics, 1980s superstar Mithun Chakraborty, who had campaigned for the CPI(M) in West Bengal when Chief Minister Jyoti Basu was in power, before becoming a Trinamool Congress Member of Parliament and finally joining the BJP earlier this month, appeared in a television show with presenter Sudhir Chaudhary. The anchor asked Mithun da (as he’s popularly known in Bengal) how his ideology had changed so much over the years. Mithun da in response delivered what must be one of his greatest lines till date. “None of these have a different ideology,” he said. “All of them want to help the poor...Everyone wants to do the same thing, only the flag changes." I suspect Mithun da by mistake said “help the poor” instead of “help the rich”, but otherwise I am in complete agreement with him. Mithun da has offered a brilliant political insight.

With West Bengal polls in the news, Mithun da’s party-hopping from Left to Centre to Right has drawn attention. However he is hardly the only person to have switched parties in recent times. It has become a fairly regular occurrence to find the same politician who was loudly berating the BJP as communal till two days ago suddenly reappear as spokesperson of the BJP and make statements against Muslims two days later. The list of turncoats not only in Bengal but all over India in the past few years is long, and the passage to loud public declarations of bhakti (piety) and deshbhakti (patriotism) for several of the more illustrious among them has been helped along with nudges and prods from agencies such as the Central Bureau of Investigation. Bhakti and deshbhakti are now the last refuges of many a scoundrel.

Anyway, the question that arises is, were these people lying when they earlier professed a certain ideology, or are they lying now? Or is the correct answer, as the writer Tabish Khair commented, that they were lying then and are also lying now?

After all, it is likely that as Mithun da said, only the flag changes — in which case they never really believed in any ideology to begin with. This is entirely plausible if we consider that the real business of politics is not politics, it is business. To get a sense of how, take a look at the infamous letter written by former Mumbai Police commissioner Param Bir Singh to Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray following his recent transfer. In the letter, Singh alleged that Home Minister Anil Deshmukh had told police officer Sachin Waze that he “had a target to accumulate Rs 100 crores a month. For achieving the aforesaid target, the Hon’ble Home Minister told Shri Waze that there are about 1,750 bars, restaurants and other establishments in Mumbai and if a sum of Rs 2-3 lakhs was collected from each of them, a monthly collection of Rs 40-50 crores was achievable.” The rest of the amount would have to be raised from “other sources”, Singh wrote.

Deshmukh has naturally denied the allegations and issued a statement saying he was extremely disturbed by the slander aimed at maligning his image. His party chief Sharad Pawar clarified that on the date on which Deshmukh’s alleged meeting with Waze took place, Deshmukh was in quarantine due to COVID-19. An inquiry by a retired judge is expected into the matter.

Whatever the judge finds about this particular case, the fact that there is “hafta wasooli” by the police is an old story, one that has been depicted in Bollywood films over the decades. The experience of facing police extortion in one way or another is a lived reality for practically the entire Indian population. Its mechanism was publicly explained in Aamir Khan’s show Satyamev Jayate by former Indian Police Service (IPS) officer Sanjay Pandey. Khan asked Pandey, where does the money extorted from commoners by police constables go? Pandey replied, “We are in a democracy. Everyone is aware that there is a hierarchy of seniors. Then there are the politicians. It is a chain."

He specifically mentioned “institutional collection” from restaurants and bars. He also told Khan, “you have a studio, if you want to run it at night, you have to pay so much." The episode was aired in 2014, so clearly the institutional collection from restaurants and bars was already well established then.

The hafta system obviously didn’t come into existence in 2014 or 2021. It has been around for at least 50 years if not more. It is also not unique to Mumbai. It is there in some form in every city in India. Nor is collection from restaurants and bars necessarily the mainstay of the extortion business. There are also other sources, such as real estate mafias that work in collaboration with the police, bureaucracy and politicians. Outside the cities, the forms of collections change. In one place, you might find a coal or iron mining mafia running in connivance with corrupt police and politicians, who get their cuts. In another place, it could be a river sand or timber mafia. In a dry state it may be alcohol. In a border state, it could be drugs. The common feature everywhere in every state is that there are always some illegalities in businesses, some payoffs that allow the illegalities to carry on, and some of the black money from this finds its way into political funding.

As bigger players get involved, the sophistication of the system of corruption increases.

From being a few notes stuffed into a constable’s hand to look the other way, it becomes an organised and deceptively respectable system of scams dressed in suits and ties.

That system remains regardless of which individual or party is in power. Parties come and go, the system goes on forever.

The IPS officer Pandey on Aamir Khan’s show began his explanation of the chain of extortion by saying, curiously, that “we are in a democracy”. What it implies is that a systematic sharing of the spoils is what democracy is about. Everyone from bottom to top is entitled to a share according to his position in the hierarchy. The share is for the position, like a salary, meaning that if a person is transferred from a lucrative posting, or a politician loses a ministry, he would suffer a huge financial loss.

Without money, contesting elections is practically impossible. In many parties, candidates who cannot finance themselves and additionally contribute to the coffers of their bosses, cannot get tickets. Then there’s the big gamble of spending crores on an electoral race that the candidate might lose to a rival, who in order to contest would have to be much like him. Whoever wins will be rich from the collections from the form of corruption that is prevalent in the area, as will those who bet on him. If the winning candidate becomes a minister, there will be the bonanza of milking an entire department. Public works is especially popular; it is the jackpot.

The bettors who finance politicians and their parties are the real powers behind every throne. The politicians are only the stars of the election movies in which voters are the audience and party workers, the extras. The real power, ultimately, resides with those who decide which star and which script to back: the financiers. As the unrecognised political scientist Mithun Chakraborty said, none of them has a different ideology. The one ideology shared by all of them is the ideology of maximising their own profits.

The only thing the audience can do is choose which film they want to see.

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